Rapporteurs: Luisa LAURELLI (Italy) and Cigdem MERCAN (Turkey)

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EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM

1. INTRODUCTION

The 5th Plenary Session of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe (CLRAE) adopted Resolution 72 (1998) and Recommendation 52 (1998) on the regions and employment: contribution to social cohesion in Europe, accompanied by a memorandum prepared by Mr Van Cauwenberghe entitled “For an active policy of the regions on employment and socio-economic development”. Subsequently, the 6th Plenary Session of the CLRAE adopted Resolution 81 (1999) and Recommendation 62 (1999) on local authorities and employability.

On 20 May 2000 the Committee on Social Cohesion (CG/SOC) adopted a document setting out its Social Cohesion Strategy, which was ratified by the Committee of Ministers on 13 July 2000. This Strategy concentrates particularly on the more vulnerable groups in society, which often need both protection and assistance if they are to achieve social integration. It also states that appropriate, and appropriately remunerated employment is one of the main ways of promoting social cohesion.

At its meeting of 3 and 4 May 2001, the Committee of Experts on Promoting Access to Employment (CS-EM), a sub-committee of the CDCS, provisionally approved a document setting out guidelines on local employment initiatives geared to combating and preventing long-term unemployment.

Following on from all this work, the Committee on Social Cohesion of the CLRAE decided to draw up a report on “Employment and Vulnerable Groups: the role of local and regional authorities”. It instructed the Secretariat to summarise the guidelines with a view to preparing the report, which is to be submitted at the Plenary Session scheduled for the end of 2002. This summary of guidelines sets out the basic contents and aims of the survey to be carried out, identifies eight different vulnerable groups to study, proposes calling on an expert to draw up a questionnaire to be forwarded to the various member states of the Council of Europe, and presents a timetable for the whole process.

At the plenary meeting of the Committee on Social Cohesion of the CLRAE on 9 October 2001 the contents and timetable for formulation of the report were revised and finally adopted. The questionnaire drawn up by Dr Lina Gavira and Dr Francisco González was analysed and approved with some slight amendments.

2. PREPARATION OF THE REPORT

2.1 Objectives and general principles

The main objective of this report is to analyse the role of the local and regional authorities with regard to finding and implementing solutions for the promotion of access to employment for vulnerable groups and to identify “good practices” in this connection.

In view of the heterogeneous nature of the social groups encompassed by this term and of the difficulties in matching types of applicable measures to vulnerable groups in regions and municipalities whose social, economic and political situation varies considerably, the CDCS Secretariat began by proposing an initial selection of eight groups of disadvantaged persons which, after due consideration of the budgetary resources available, were finally reduced to three large groups that would permit an overview of the situation to be gained.

- Disabled people: The selection of this very large group, which comprises physically and mentally disabled people with varying degrees of disability, makes it possible to identify the measures that local and regional authorities have adopted because of the specific difficulties that disabled people encounter with regard both to the economic, social and political situation and to the authorities’ political responses to requests from their representative organisations.

In many countries, these organisations have given rise to a very large-network of voluntary bodies and pressure groups that has made it possible to formulate concrete policies to promote the social integration of disabled people and their access to employment. Local transversal policies have addressed the issue of dealing with day-to-day problems in various areas, such as the elimination of physical and cultural obstacles in towns, and specific strategies and measures have been developed that impact on the employment of disabled people. One of the reasons for the progress achieved in various European countries with regard to the strengthening of systems for protecting these groups is the power of the associations of disabled people or their family members. This has enabled innovative initiatives to be developed, very often in co-operation with the local authorities, with regard to training, job counselling and specific support for the vocational and social integration of clients and their families, as well as initiatives to provide wage-earners with special protection, sheltered employment and experience of self-employed work.

- Unemployed people engaged in self-employed work: The debate on the reduction in employment, which is taking place at the same time as many citizens are confronted with job insecurity in the “risk society” (Beck, 1992), has had such an impact on employment policy that the possibility of engaging in self-employed work has acquired a new quantitative and qualitative dimension given the new forms of production, outsourcing and the creation of networks of local companies that emerge after a period of economic restructuring and in the wake of increasing globalisation

This strategy of encouraging self-employment has been in existence since the early 1980s, especially in those peripheral areas where there has been little industrialisation and where modernisation caused a rural crisis even before the present industrial crisis; this is the case in, for example, the southernmost regions of Europe.

Restructuring due to the industrial crisis and economic globalisation has also encouraged this form of vocational integration in industrial regions while at the same time fostering the creation of self-employment in the light of the new economic and entrepreneurial context. This situation has given rise to a wide variety of management approaches, such as working independently from home, which is to a greater or less degree officialised and depends on existing local or extra-local production and distribution networks; the creation of establishments oriented towards different production sectors; self-employment as an independent sales agent; franchises; small or medium-sized enterprises with paid employees; enterprises based on co-operative principles or social integration enterprises in all their different forms depending on the region.

This situation has come about in particular in those regions where jobs are rare and there is no class culture tied to the conception of an industrial society in which the work-capital dichotomy is the basis of an “us-them” identity construction. In this connection, self-employment generally becomes a form of resistance to exclusion. However, in view of the difficulties a number of self-employed people encounter in embarking on and, above all, continuing in self-employed work in decent working conditions with adequate social protection, a major debate is currently taking place on the sense and cost of self-employed work, especially as the number of working hours often increases considerably as a result of this strategy and the unemployed person becomes responsible for their situation without receiving sufficient assistance.

The same applies especially to vulnerable groups, who, apart from unemployment, suffer a range of social disadvantages, such as those faced by women because of the sexist culture that still prevails in business life or by poorly trained and poorly qualified or low-skilled people, young people belonging to families of casual workers or families with various types of social problems, etc. In this context, local policy-makers in a number of regions take action within the limits of their responsibilities and resources to foster the creation of this type of employment by various means, such as the establishment of new forms of organisation and local partnerships for the purpose of introducing an integrated policy management framework for self-employed work, the development of facilities appropriate to the establishment of businesses, the provision of training courses specific to other groups of unemployed people, financial support by means of grants or the financing of loans, “one-stop” services to deal with job creation formalities, local or regional awareness and motivation campaigns (either of a general nature or directed at a section of the population or specific group), counselling and technical support, the financing of feasibility plans, etc.

- Immigrants and ethnic minorities: The presence of immigrants and ethnic minorities in the majority of European countries something which, in the present international situation, is unlikely to diminish. This presence, even in regions that have always suffered from emigration and very often continue to do so for economic reasons, calls for specific action by the local authorities. Although it is necessary in this context to consider employment as a fundamental factor, this is only possible if employment policies are co-ordinated with other policies that encourage the population to participate in the culture of diversity and multiculturalism, and this can only be achieved by introducing new social policies and providing access to health care, housing, education or local cultural activities.

The diversity of ethnic groups observable in the regions studied and the movements or mobility these regions are experiencing are due just as much to the needs and lifestyles of these particular groups and their social networks as to the rules and regulations that are applied to them in the various regions and localities, whose responsibilities and powers vary with regard to immigration and ethnic minorities policies and the degree of decentralisation and protection that results from the management of social and employment policies. In this connection, the situations that can be encountered vary a great deal and are all influenced by each gender’s cultural perception, by economic differences between groups of immigrants, refugees or ethnic minorities, by the age of the people concerned, etc.

On the one hand, focusing on these three large target groups assumes a very large variety of situations, which militates against precision but permits more flexibility than with closer targeting. This seems relevant in the case of regions like those studied, which differ greatly from one another from the economic, political and normative points of view.

Although in a number of countries dynamic policies aimed at these disadvantaged groups are exclusively a national, even supranational, responsibility, it is nonetheless important to analyse how these political measures are implemented in the local and regional contexts. This report therefore emphasises the local and regional authorities’ role in identifying and implementing appropriate measures for promoting access to employment by vulnerable groups, in conformity with the decision of the European Union to launch the “Acting locally for employment” campaign.
As pointed out above, since these disadvantaged groups face many different problems (employment, housing, education, health, etc.), there should be many different solutions. It is accordingly useful to be aware of the numerous institutions and agencies involved in the processes and of the different types of organisation, since the documents of the CLRAE itself (eg Recommendation 52 of 1998) stress the importance of creating public-private partnerships made up of social actors, non-governmental organisations and the local and regional authorities concerned.

Accordingly, co-ordination between the various services and players involved is another strategy emphasised by the various European institutions¹. This report will pay particular attention to this strategy, describing its various forms and “good practices” as well as varied and dynamic specific experiences concerning the role of local and regional players that can be taken into account in the preparation of recommendations at the European level.

2.2 Survey design and tools employed

The methods employed are determined by the strategy the CDCS adopted at its last meeting, when it decided to draw up a questionnaire to serve as a basic tool for the report. This will be the basis for replying to the key questions concerning European local and regional authorities’ roles in the promotion of policies aimed at the access to employment of the vulnerable groups we have spoken about.

The situations of the groups analysed are very diverse, so, owing to limited time and budgetary constraints, this report can only provide an approximate description both of the standards and skills evidenced by the various instances of good practices based on valid processes and of the results achieved in the contexts in which these practices are applied. Our starting-point is an assessment of the territorial players and a comparison of the general rationale of the recommendations based on European policies in this field and the development of procedures that are particularly important in the context of the issues studied.

The survey approach employed consisted first of all in drawing up a questionnaire that was sent to various people who work with the groups studied and to members of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, social players, non-governmental organisations, intermunicipal consortia, etc.

There is, however, an entire catalogue of methodological limitations inherent in using a questionnaire sent by post that must not be ignored. For example, the questions have to be interpreted, the subjects are dealt with in a language not always that of the addressee and have to be translated, the people who can fill in the questionnaire do not all have the same background (even though the questionnaire defines it), there is a very wide range of cultures and socio-economic and political situations in the territory analysed, there are difficulties in interpreting closed questions, etc. However, given the very large number of countries and regions covered and the limited time and resources available, this method can at least enable an approximate description to be made of the issue that will be selected to illustrate the diversity of this subject. This will make it possible for other work to be done to carry out a more qualitative and structural analysis of the aspects deemed to be relevant.

When the questionnaire was drawn up, several general aspects judged to be important in the surveys conducted were taken into consideration². These aspects are as follows.

The need to:

- consider the difficulties that groups of vulnerable people encounter when trying to find a job. However, this must not be done from the economic point of view, which would only consider these groups as a factor of production that only has to be hard-working and offer a range of competencies in a context of traditional assistance and protection. Rather, it is necessary to analyse how local authorities help to co- ordinate policies that attempt to respond to the personal, cultural, social, economic and environmental difficulties these groups face and in the context of which a reductionist view strictly limited to employment policies is insufficient;

- identify and differentiate between traditional policies involving financial benefits and specific policies aimed at promoting access to employment for each group studied, as well as examine how these policies are interlinked in the management and implementation processes, taking due account of gender issues in every case;

- establish whether there are any measures to prevent unemployment in the risk groups, whether more equitable treatment is accorded to these groups with regard to access to services and whether this is guaranteed in an ad hoc or structural manner;

- consider the variety of integration measures implemented according to the different degrees of autonomy enjoyed by European regions for the development and promotion of vocational integration, based on the large socio-economic and political areas and on whether they are rural or urban.

- highlight the different ways in which the players are involved by intervening in the processes and to promote their co-ordination.

- study the appropriations and the origin of resources.

- consider the existence and types of quality controls and assessment measures.

2.3 Description of the questionnaire and the analytical framework

Since the development of specific policies and measures for these vulnerable groups varies considerably from one European region to another, the questionnaire makes it possible both to structure the information gathered and to identify the matters that may be relevant in the cases and regions in which policies specifically aimed at these groups are either poorly developed or non-existent. The questionnaire thus not only requests information but provides the addressees with information by asking questions on concrete political measures.

The questionnaire is divided into five large parts:

I. Identification of the context, the organisation and the person responding: The objective here is to obtain a description of the territory (region/locality) where the entity is located and of the person filling in the questionnaire, in order to verify the information provided in its specific context and the degree of understanding or relevance the replies can provide in the context of the technico-political role of the survey.

II. Description of policies and levels of competence. This part of the questionnaire is about establishing how the respondents to this survey define the groups analysed from the normative, statistical and political points of view. They are therefore asked to define these groups, provide information from existing data and statistics and describe the organisational framework of the policies and the specific rules that apply.

III. Description of particular measures for each group analysed. A range of specific political measures aimed at promoting access to employment are described with respect to the characteristics of the group studied. Information is requested to establish whether or not these measures exist and whether the competences necessary to develop and manage them depend on the regional and/or local authorities. The aim is also to establish whether gender-related aspects are taken into consideration and to assess the impact of the measures.

IV. Description of examples of good practices: More complete information on and a description of examples of good practices are requested (specific characteristics, players concerned, context, results and synergies, as well as a quantitative evaluation of the key elements of practical organisation and planning, client access, procedures developed, results of and methods employed in the assessment of the service quality).

V. Summary of the structure of the general institutional measures implemented by local and regional authorities that affect all vulnerable groups. The aim here is to assess competences and the institutional processes of policy organisation and control and to establish whether gender differences are taken into consideration and the impact they have.

These parts are in the following order: the questionnaire begins by identifying the territory and follows this by an analysis of the nature of the measures, a list of employment promotion policies and an analysis of good practices with respect to groups of disabled people, unemployed people trying to become self-employed and immigrants and ethnic minorities. Finally, questions are asked on the institutional structures established to manage policies relating to vulnerable groups.

Alternative, open and closed questions were asked in order to facilitate the quantification and presentation, in the form of tables, of specific parameters and to put the replies into their context.

The questionnaire was originally drawn up in English and Spanish and then translated into German, French, Italian and Russian. It was designed in such a way as to enable it to be filled in by experts with a direct knowledge of the policies concerned and their implementation.

With regard both to the distribution of the questionnaire and the expectations concerning the replies, the aim was to provide fair and proportional coverage of all the regions and municipalities belonging to the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe by following a number of lines of analysis:

- consideration, in the context of measures implemented, of policies that promote gender equality

- analysis of the different roles of local authorities according to whether rural or urban areas are involved, these roles usually depending on the size of the population the policies are designed to help

- interpretation of the data in the light of the region’s socio-economic situation, depending on whether these data are to a greater or lesser degree central or peripheral and having regard to incomes levels and social dynamism.

- analysis of political strategies according to the extent of the centralisation/decentralisation of the institutional and political systems (local or regional autonomy).

The final results presented in this report have largely been determined by the replies received, both from the quantitative point of view and with regard to the distribution of the questionnaire in accordance with the above-mentioned parameters and the quality of the replies in terms of their interpretability.

The information received has been divided into four large groups according to the territorial zones that reflect the various political and economic realities in some way or another ³:

- countries belonging to the former eastern bloc
- Scandinavian countries
- Mediterranean countries
- western and central European countries

The information received was systematised with a view to incorporating the variables mentioned in an attempt to identify the regularities and oppositions and any scope for changes.

In order to present the information in the form of tables, a range of analytical criteria for dealing with open replies was employed in respect of the large regions described:

· systematisation of vulnerable groups/types of normative measures
· types of policies, measures and actions/levels of competence
· players involved
· access, process and results of participation of local and/or regional policy-makers
· consideration of gender equality aspects and degree of implementation
· Selection of practical examples illustrating the basic differences in the policies developed and participation of local and regional authorities.

For the closed replies, the tables drawn up correspond to the types of measures mentioned for the three groups studied through the questionnaire.

2.4 Description of the sample analysed

Replies to the questionnaire were received throughout the first half of 2002 and totalled 105. Tables 1 and 2 show their breakdown by country and zone and the examples of good practices.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

It will be noted that only 28 of the 43 members of the Council of Europe replied. Ten countries returned just one questionnaire and only 7sent back 5 or more.

Since the representative value of these replies is limited, it is only possible to draw general conclusions for the entire sample gathered. With regard to certain specific aspects, more disaggregated data can be obtained for the four geographical zones (east, west, north and south) initially adopted.

Table 2 shows figures for the questionnaires distributed according to these four zones and example of good practices for the three groups studied.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors

Not all the questionnaires received provide complete information on the three vulnerable groups and respective examples of good practices. The replies sometimes only relate to one of the groups and are not always accompanied by the corresponding example of good practice.

There is therefore on the one hand a certain lack of professionalism to be observed among those who filled in the questionnaires, given their difficulties in coping with the terminology relating to these active and practical policies and, on the other hand, a frequent absence of co-ordination between the sectors and departments of the entities concerned, with the result that it is not known what they do. The 105 questionnaires received provide a total of 179 examples of good practices. When broken down according to vulnerable groups, the examples relating to disabled people are the most numerous (73), followed by unemployed people (56) and immigrants (50). As regards the breakdown into four zones, there are proportionately more examples relating to disabled people in western Europe, unemployed people in eastern Europe and immigrants in northern Europe. This situation can be explained respectively by the stronger tradition of active policies and social institutions for disabled people in western Europe, the greater need in eastern Europe to do self-employed work in view of the lack of jobs, and the existence of more resources and opportunities for ethnic minorities and immigrants in northern Europe.

Almost all the entities that filled in the questionnaires are public bodies, with a strong predominance of local and regional authorities, as Tables 3 and 4 show.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

In all, half of the entities that replied to the questionnaire operate at the local level, and one-third at the regional level. There is a predominance of local entities in the countries of western and southern Europe.

3. GEOPOLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS OF ACTION TO PROMOTE THE VOCATIONAL INTEGRATION OF VULNERABLE GROUPS

3.1. Globalisation and institutional changes in the fight against exclusion

The dominant globalisation strategy has led to significant economic, social and institutional restructuring, which has accentuated inequalities, exclusion and marginalisation. at the global level.

The concept of “globalisation” (Pieterse, 1994; Robertson, 1992; Beck, 2000) seems to be the most relevant one for considering the paradoxes inherent in the forms of organisation identified in the territories studied. This term combines, on the one hand, the “ethereal” dimension (Ibáñez, 1997) of the world ecological system, global communications or the globalised fluid economy and, on the other, the “solid” conditions (structure of local institutions) (Bauman, 2001) that make it possible to speculate about the sense of the daily choices and the approach adopted in a context that once again combines the energy we have as livings beings (nature) and the information we convey as social animals (society).

It is above all the new awareness of the intensification of local-global relations that justifies approaching the analysis from the point of view of globalisation while trying to avoid the “pitfalls” inherent in the latter concept that result from both the ambiguous use of ready-made concepts during the phase of modernisation and the global capitalist system.

The emphasis is therefore on the political aspects and their relation to economic factors at a time when nation-states seem to be “abandoning the political sphere” and the established system of roles and distinguishing “political tasks” from “non-political tasks” (Beck, 2000) at the risk stage.

In the context of the prevailing new order, “current policies are twisted until to stimulate economic growth is ultimately to ‘produce’ unemployment. The political and social paradoxes of a transnational economy - which must be lured and rewarded with the ‘removal of barriers to investment’ (meaning the removal of ecological, union, welfare and fiscal constraints), so that more and more labour can be shed and output and profits simultaneously increased - still have to be scientifically analysed and politically tackled” (Beck, 2000).

This dual phenomenon, which poses both a threat and opens up a new field of resistance and possibilities of trial and error, leads to our dealing with the issue from the point of view of factors that affect vulnerable groups and to these groups being able to survive where different living and working conditions prevail.

In this context, “globalisation” (Pieterse, 1994; Beck, 2000), or, to be more precise, the localisation of globalisation and the paradoxes resulting from the different types of relationship and forms of cultural, economic, and political diversity observed in Europe, assumes particular importance in European regions depending on whether they have coped with the industrial crisis and financial restructuring from a strong economic and political position (such as the regions in central and western Europe), whether they have a long tradition of social protection in a phase of industrial reconversion (like the Scandinavian regions), whether – like the ones G. Fuá refers to – they have undergone a process of late development of an essentially agricultural nature (such as the regions of southern Europe) or whether they have been subjected to unplanned reconversion after passing from state to financial capitalism (like the many regions of eastern Europe).

At the supranational level, the European countries recognised, albeit with a number of contradictions, the necessity of public social intervention after highlighting the social inadequacies that result from societies being subjected to a market that is becoming less and less controllable by states.

These public interventions and interventions by social agencies are part of the various European employment and social integration approaches which - as attested by the Treaty of Amsterdam and the various EU summits, as well as the recommendations of the CLRAE on the role of the regions in improving the employment situation to promote social cohesion – lay emphasis on a series of “key terms” for promoting institutional change and dealing with the increase in vulnerability, such as “equal opportunities”, “spirit of enterprise”, “employability”, “participation”, or “co-ordination”. These strategies are essentially based on political intervention concerning socio-vocational integration, so a person’s vocational status remains the key element of social integration.

However, in order successfully to carry out an effective policy it must not be forgotten that, given the changes seen in the context of globalisation, it is not enough to promote more or less dynamic socio-vocational policies. Rather, it is essential to take account of the factors that explain the increase in the socio-vocational exclusion of an ever increasing number of people.

Consequently, when it comes to examining these policies the analysis must not be limited to concrete political measures or intervention mechanisms to assist the vulnerable groups able to access specific social insertion or social integration schemes. It is currently impossible to analyse or practise social insertion unless account is taken of the contradictions inherent in these policies.

It is therefore necessary to take into consideration the cost of several decades of neo-liberal policies at the macro-social level, the loss of autonomy by states parallel to the decentralisation of management and re-privatisation of social welfare, which, on the basis of ideas on the participation of the players, ignores territories and groups that are not sufficiently organised to be able to assert their interests.

Local and regional institutions are facing a new scenario in which they are playing a bigger part in the management but not in the funding of an economic policy that would make it possible to the improve the citizens’ quality of life or in the drafting of the rules for applying it.

In this context, strategies have significantly changed since the mid-1990s, against the background of arguments in support of a return to social precepts and active citizenship. For example, new ideas on social intervention are emerging that call for the decentralisation of management (which is different from dividing responsibility for supervising policies), the commercialisation of social policy, and the consolidation of activation as a political strategy (which makes the citizens to a large extent responsible for their situation). In addition, there is a need for more efficient budget management, which normally involves the “privatisation” of local and regional authorities’ administrative organisation standards and the opening of a “civil dialogue” with the third sector.

Parallel to this, however, macro-economic policies enter the discourse, creating a social system dependent on the “need” for budgetary adjustment. In practice, this involves a reduction in the resources and staff allocated to social policies by fostering an abstract notion of competitiveness. This ultimately promotes the idea of the globalisation of the concentration of companies and finances and a new discipline of “adaptation” to the deregulation of the markets, especially the job market and, in the end, an increase in exclusion.

Thus, given the dual phenomenon of people who have been vocationally integrated and others who are excluded from the world of work and benefits, we are witnessing the general weakening of the security provided by employment, which is encouraging the emergence of fringes of vulnerability that affect all social groups since everyone is worried about the global risks. There is a close link between this vulnerability and the social and vocational insecurity of temporary workers and those who are involved in the black economy and have no protection, even though the risk of the exclusion of disadvantaged groups is also increasing for various reasons: economic, legal, lack of access to benefits, education, housing, health care and social services. To this must be added the risks of the social marginalisation and social devaluation of people who are geographically isolated (minorities and immigrants).

Vulnerable groups – disabled people, unemployed people wishing to become self-employed, immigrants and ethnic minorities - thus find it harder to access employment and are very often the target of certain groups that are beginning to see specific policies as a threat. This is reflected in the antipathetic, even xenophobic, attitudes that are adding to the existing prejudices towards these groups and their chances of becoming integrated.

The domination of the economic and financial system over the political sphere is leading to exclusion, individualisation and the segregation of the market, policies, institutions and non-governmental organisations, so it is necessary to rehabilitate, within the framework of. political practice, the values, standards and processes of equality and social justice. If this is not done, it will be very difficult to survive in a world where the interpenetration of social forms is making it very difficult to distinguish between the various areas and the political, social, economic and individual sectors.

The schizophrenic nature of the current political model, torn as it is between abstract skills and concrete exclusion problems is at its height when it comes to implementing socio-vocational insertion policies. In order to achieve socio-vocational insertion, account must be taken both of the economic dimensions and of the psychological, social and cultural dimensions of the staff concerned, if the aim is to combat exclusion and promote the development of human rights and citizenship.

This unfortunately does not happen very frequently in the case of the political interventions of this nature.

It is therefore necessary to consider the system at both the macro (global) level and the micro-social (local and personal) level, by trying to ensure that the person at risk of being excluded or deprived of their rights, income, housing, education and culture recovers at least part of what has been taken from them in the name of the market as something “natural” or “normal” simply because they lack the “skills” to compete.

This restoration of rights withdrawn in the name of the market constitutes a fundamental principle for social cohesion and should in practice provide impetus for taxation and community responsibility models in democratic states: what everyone contributes or receives depends on their needs.

This fundamental element of the welfare state that crops up in the debates on the development of social policy is based on the principle that societies are structurally inegalitarian and that, in order to put an end to the exclusion of an ever growing number of people brought about by the integration strategies of the big commercial and financial corporations in the currently dominant globalisation model, it is necessary to implement various policies to restore the rights guaranteed by the constitution to those who have been deprived of them.

The problem is as follows: the bureaucratisation of institutions is reflected in a degree of heteronomy (absence of autonomy) in policy implementation, as pointed out by Ivan Illich or J. Ibáňez, which leads to the exploitation of the system by the system and very often distorts the objectives of social insertion. The fact that responsibilities are split between organisations and groups that intervene at the social and political levels results in the considerable fragmentation of the various types of socio-vocational problems. This ultimately fuels the division that the market and the globalised economic order are encouraging, impedes social cohesion and social integration and prevents the social insertion of people through other approaches more compatible with their interests.

The authority principle very often characterises the relationship between policy-makers, practitioners and clients, which leaves little room for the participation that would enable policies to be geared to needs. While the best possible willingness is demonstrated in a paternalistic or affirmative action approach, a more hierarchical, technocratic or partitocratic approach may be chosen to assert authority, so it is essential to professionalise and monitor the management of these policies and enable the citizens’ genuine involvement in them.

A knowledge of the environment in which the work is carried out plays a key role in this regard, so it necessary to involve research centres and universities. It is important to call upon the services of all institutions that deal with these subjects by adopting an outward-looking approach that enables the results of the research conducted in the field to be related to social practices in order to contribute to knowledge that is useful for individuals, including the people who are excluded. This is one of the means that will make it possible for vulnerable groups to make their voices heard and participate in the “knowledge-based society” and social cohesion, which, according to political discourse, will be at the heart of European policy in the next ten years.

Intervening socially while thinking and acting globally.

The objective of social intervention policies is to succeed in integrating individuals. The sense of the expression “socio-vocational insertion” may, however, vary. Like all expressions, its meaning is shaped in a particular social context, especially as it is not unconnected to the development of social protection and employment policies, especially following the changes introduced after the restructuring of capital, the crisis of the welfare state due to globalisation and the use of new expressions in a social diagnosis for political intervention, such as inequality and exclusion caused by poverty. Therefore, in the case of political intervention socio-vocational insertion can be defined as the result of a process that calls for the implementation of concrete policies aimed at integrating those who are victims of inequality and exclusion to varying degrees, through occupation, social protection measures and economic policies.

There have been a number of attempts to define inequality and exclusion but the most comprehensive and most relevant solution is no doubt the one that connects these terms with the absence of the autonomy needed to live a dignified life and take informed decisions both individually and collectively. However, inequalities and exclusion always affect a reference group and are not necessarily permanent, whether for individuals or regions, although in practice we repeatedly encounter social groups and regions that remain excluded over many generations.

Therefore, as far as developing policies and insertion schemes is concerned, a “diagnosis” should be made by taking account of the actual context in which intervention is planned in order to be able to identify and eliminate the obstacles that, owing to the inequalities or exclusion that affect them structurally and not only factually with respect to their level of income or consumption, the subjects (disabled people, unemployed people wishing to become self-employed, immigrants and ethnic minorities) encounter when trying to obtain this autonomy.

Globalisation requires that, in the context of the formulation and implementation of policies, approaches are employed that encourage people to act and think in both local and global terms. This does not mean uncritically following the recommendations of those who have the means of spreading globalist thinking as the sole alternative or adopting a local position that only takes account of the immediate situation close to home, as if it were possible to separate it from the context of globalisation that, while it can have a different impact depending on the region, no doubt influences the living conditions of every citizen.

Socio-vocational insertion calls for the adoption of an integrated intervention approach that considers the socio-economic situation in globalised terms by co-ordinating, within the framework of clearly defined and commonly accepted objectives, the policies and strategies of all the players involved in the employment management and social policies of a territory.

It is necessary to become aware of the actual situation in all its complexity and develop the political and practical skills and methods required to make a realistic diagnosis of the situation that takes account of the macro and micro socio-economic dimensions and makes it possible, by adopting an integrated and co-ordinated approach, to prioritise the political measures in accordance with the interests of the people living in a region instead of only those of the various public or business organisations (especially the big commercial groups or companies).

While this situation normally does not “scare” practitioners and local policy-makers, it is beyond their capacity to deal with it since they are confronted with a world that is too complex to allow fully informed intervention. This is especially true in the case of small organisations or administrative authorities, which, faced with such complexity, end up by calling in external assessors or simplifying the measures concerned.

3.2 The political system and its support for social integration: intervention models

Socio-vocational integration policies always presuppose an organisational model forming part of a larger network that can be geared to the integration of individuals or the survival or duplication of structures and their objectives.

Thus, when reference is made to social intervention models, two major types of intervention can be envisaged (See Fig. B) in the case of socio-vocational insertion. From the point of view of the methods called for, these will yield results that are functional in relation to the existing system (ie, they will modify the form so that nothing changes) or that attempt to transform the system in order to counter the exclusion process caused by the prevailing globalisation model.

The first approach is technocentric, focusing on the structures and regarding as the objective of the insertion the uncritical adaptation of schemes to the needs of the organisations with the power to make decisions. The second is anthropocentric, focusing on people and considering the objective of insertion to be the autonomy or empowerment of subjects in such a way that they succeed in transforming their situation: This necessarily requires an awareness of the personal and collective identity. This approach has the potential for leading to policy change. Both relate not only to the clients of a socio-vocational insertion scheme but also to the system as a whole (see Fig. A), since socio-vocational insertion is a socially constructed process that presupposes recourse to a number of legal-institutional, political, financial and material resources as well as the existence of various players (policy-makers, trade unionists, entrepreneurs, social service practitioners, volunteers, the policy target group) who play different roles in the system as a result of these multiple dimensions (social, psychological, economics, cultural and political). Consequently, anything that affects one of the parties has repercussions on the system as a whole.

The resources for socio-vocational insertion are organised by the players responsible on the basis of various agencies or public and private entities with differing aims and objectives in such a way as to establish insertion schemes of different sizes through procedures developed with clients (either individually or as a group) in line with official objectives calling for results that are supposed to be endorsed by everyone but are in practice structurally subordinated to the interests, motivations and wishes that each group interprets to its own advantage. The results of the system as a whole are thus usually somewhat different from those desired at the beginning.

The results of a socio-vocational insertion system differ according to the approach employed (technocentric or anthropocentric), the degree of vertical co-ordination between the various territorial levels and of horizontal co-ordination between the specialised departments, policies, structures and players involved and the degree of actual participation.

In any event, financial, social, cultural or political results are obtained at the personal, familial or societal level that benefit certain groups but are never neutral, either promoting change or perpetuating the situation in a “politically correct” way.

The variety of factors involved in the socio-vocational insertion system (Fig. A): resources and players with different interests working through structures with different dynamics and cultures make it difficult to interpret and, above all, evaluate the results if no agreement has been reached at the outset concerning the minimum insertion it is intended to achieve. the means and players to be employed, the time-limits and the objectives.

Only if a clear definition is provided of the responsibilities of the players and agencies concerned and of the objectives in relation to the type of socio-vocational insertion it is sought to achieve will it be possible to eliminate the factors that limit the impact and efficiency of an insertion system. As this is such a broad concept and is sometimes employed in a very ambiguous way if proper limits are not imposed, a great deal of energy will be wasted and perverse results will be obtained in relation to the objectives set out in the various projects.

In order to define the objectives and results of social insertion, it is necessary to systematise the levels of multidimensional socialisation that individuals can achieve through an insertion process extensive enough to promote their ability to manage their lives and fully participate in the society or community they form part of.

As indicated above, in order to do this various aspects must be considered by taking account of the fundamental rights and obligations set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the normative framework of democratic constitutions. The big problem lies in making sure these minimum rules are reflected in the social discourse, since the social differences resulting from defined or objective characteristics (gender, ethnic group, vocational status, age, being with or without dependants) and those that have been acquired (education, training, experience, socialisation in a specific culture) are exploited in society in a discriminatory manner. Certain groups thus find it hard in the context of vocational relations to achieve the autonomy necessary to be able to take informed decisions that guide their actions in a way that enables them to live dignified lives as individuals with rights and obligations in the territory concerned.

Accordingly, an important role in obtaining results is played by the demonstration effect created in the context of awareness campaigns as a result of good practices or the vocational experience acquired through insertion schemes or through hiring programmes that provide financial support for the social insertion of groups with special difficulties.

Insertion assistance schemes may or may not be adapted to the users’ needs, and their degree of development will vary according to the size of the locality and whether it is rural or urban.

These types of scheme generally tend to be concentrated in the large and more dynamic urban centres, which reduces access to them by people living in rural areas or small localities. This is not only a problem from the quantitative or descriptive point of view since there are also differences concerning the quality of their management and of the type of relations the agencies have with the people living in the various territories: the western European regions, whose economic vitality was greater than elsewhere when industrialisation began, have also developed greater collective social mobilisation through entities of various kinds because they have preserved a social identity based on the socialisation of the work culture. For various reasons, in the countries of southern Europe and the former eastern bloc there has been less social mobilisation and organisation with regard to work and post-material values, such as equal opportunities.

3.3 Types of integration promotion measure geared to the group concerned

The following may be mentioned as examples of the insertion promotion arrangements deriving from the various types of organisational structure:

Monitoring and assessment arrangements: these make it possible to monitor the process and carry out various types of assessment (before, during and on completion of the process), so it would appear that good monitoring and assessment arrangements must make it possible:
- to carry out an institutional or social analysis to ensure continuous feedback and establish an organisational framework that makes it possible to adjust the objectives and identify points of agreement between the players and the processes;
- to reach agreement on and systematise qualitative and quantitative co-ordination strategies and the technical and political monitoring of the measures taken;
- to devise and monitor the means of information and communication on the globalised socio-economic situation both between the players and the structures, as well as the models that socialise the players to work in an integrated system that promotes skills.

Consultation arrangements: this implies monitoring the person at the centre of the policy, from which different types of action follow:
- information, contact and feedback (initial interview for classification and diagnosis purposes).
- guidance and monitoring for the purposes of finding or creating a job: preparation, consensus and supervision of the individualised route to socio-vocational insertion;
- support and monitoring for the purposes of accessing social or financial benefits or benefits in kind, guidance towards public or private job exchanges and/or health services, social protection, housing, etc.

Prevocational socialisation arrangements: these are aimed at people who do not know the standards and culture of a particular society, have not adapted to them or reject the culture concerned. They may be different types of arrangement depending on the needs of the person requesting the assistance.
- Workshops on the general standards of the culture concerned, in the form of leisure activities and learning social habits and customs.
- Language, reading and writing workshops.
- Prevocational workshops on the culture concerned and on work discipline.
- Vocational workshops and training farms specifically designed for groups with difficulties, in the form of social therapy (for disabled people).

Training arrangements: these are all the schemes aimed at developing educational or technical skills as a prelude to finding a job. It is desirable that the training processes should provide integration-focused guidance and motivation in order to ensure much greater personal involvement and the adoption of active attitudes with regard to initial and lifelong learning. It is possible in this context to distinguish between:
- Basic training.
- Vocational training without experience.
- Vocational training with experience: schools, workshops or apprenticeship centres.
- Continuing training for people in employment.

Insertion-through-employment schemes: these are schemes that presuppose vocational and normative socialisation through on-the-job experience and may be of different types:
- social solidarity enterprises, where excluded people work until they decide to leave.
- temporary insertion enterprises, in the case of time-limited temporary employment leading to the insertion of the person concerned into the ordinary market.
- social enterprise with job-sharing.
- supervised enterprise promoted by the social associations or authorities.
- non-profit temporary employment insertion entities.
- temporary employment insertion enterprise.
- specialised job centres for disabled people.
- public sector employment or allocation of work through special public employment plans.

Insertion via job creation assistance programmes: these are oriented towards the creation of self-employed work (for one or more individuals) in a commercial enterprise, an association or a solidarity enterprise. The measures taken as part of these arrangements may be of various types:
- Individual or collective technical monitoring to review the possibilities of creating jobs and monitoring them thereafter.
- Support for the purpose of carrying out a social, economic or legal viability analysis of the business organisation it is intended to set up.
- Business incubators or nests to assist with accommodation during the first few years while these businesses are being capitalised. These incubators also sometimes offer services to nearby entities.
- Public or private financial support for business creation, based on various criteria.

However, insertion does not necessarily come about through occupation or employment. The physical or mental disability of certain people is such that it is impossible to integrate them fully into the job market. However, they must be guaranteed the right to live a dignified life, so social and health policy schemes have been established that can be combined with socio-vocational insertion arrangements on the sheltered market.

All these arrangements should be co-ordinated with those developed in other sensitive areas, especially in the case of immigrant and ethnic minority groups, disabled people and unemployed women who want to do self-employed work but have family responsibilities they cannot share with others. The other areas with which there should be co-ordination are: housing, special education or social protection programmes, social services, minimum income levels or unemployment benefits, etc.

Figure A: SOCIO-VOCATIONAL SYSTEM

Figure B: FACTORS ENABLING MODELS TO BE DIFFERENTIATED

4. THE ROLE OF TERRITORIAL AUTHORITIES IN MEASURES TO PROMOTE THE EMPLOYMENT OF DISABLED PEOPLE

4.1 Difficulties in integrating disabled people

It is generally admitted that disabled people are one of the groups that encounter the most obstacles in accomplishing their social integration via the labour market, theoretical and practical training courses, housing and social services. These difficulties are the consequence not only of their actual disabilities, which limit what they are able to do, but also of certain attitudes and an environment that fails to take account of their needs.

The disabled person’s initial problems very often arise in their own family, who, by doubting their skills and abilities, cause them to have a lower sense of self-esteem, which the social prejudices they come up against throughout their lives only serve to buttress. Anti-discrimination measures designed to help this group must be aimed not only at disabled people throughout all the stages of their lives but also at their families and carers. It must not be forgotten that, depending on the type of disability, work can be a way of gaining autonomy, since disabled people may be very skilled and efficient in certain areas, even if they are less productive in the short term in others. However, there are situations where specific socio-vocational measures are necessary - not so much for disabled people as for their family circle.

A number of external factors have a direct impact on the response of families with a disabled member and on the possibilities of integrating this social group:

- the existence or otherwise of a specific legislative framework designed to help disabled people;
- the implementation of policies that provide a minimum of benefits and of active measures designed for disabled people in the regions and towns where they live, whether or not these measures are included in the general services provided to the population as a whole;
- another factor that influences the possibilities of integrating disabled people is whether they live in a town or in the country. The specialised services and agencies are concentrated in the larger and more prosperous towns while the rural areas are less well-provided in this connection, the gap being wider the poorer the region is;
- the existence or otherwise of procedures for recognising the disability. This involves implementing operational measures that enable the skills of disabled people to be objectively determined, thus assisting their integration into the labour market;
- the existence or otherwise of legislation that forces companies to reserve a quota of jobs for disabled people;
- the presence or otherwise in the region examined of non-governmental organisations that act as intermediaries and work to defend the interests of disabled people and verify that the legal provisions in force are actually applied;
- the presence of public or private companies aware of the need to integrate disabled people.

The socio-economic situation of the family of the disabled person is an important factor as it is closely linked to the financial resources that person has at their disposal and to the degree of access to information on the opportunities and institutional resources available to them. The early detection of the disability is extremely important since it allows special educational measures to be carried out that prevent a lack of training adding to the disadvantage caused by the physical or mental disability.

According to specialist writers, the lack of education and training is one of the main obstacles to the socio-vocational integration of disabled people. This is compounded by their own family’s lack of confidence in their ability to lead an autonomous life. Especially in those countries where the family still holds a very important position, as in southern Europe, a certain reluctance can still be observed on the part of parents of disabled people to look for solutions that would promote their social autonomy, since they see this as “false protection”. This phenomenon is even more marked in the countries that provide a minimum of benefits depending on the degree of disability, since the family are not only worried that the disabled person will hardly have any chances on a labour market that is becoming more and more competitive but also that they will lose the minimum guaranteed allowance, which is not paid in some countries when that person has a job.

Among the group of disabled people, it is women who face the greatest difficulties. Apart from the problems described above, they are confronted by an entire range of sexist prejudices arising from the traditional role of the woman in domestic life. In addition, there are still very few of them working for the executive bodies of agencies for the defence of their interests as disabled people. Furthermore, they suffer more than men from prejudices caused by worries about their supposed sexual irresponsibility, the fear, especially in the case of women with mental disabilities, being that they will end up with an unwanted pregnancy. This usually somewhat complicates the implementation of policies that encourage autonomy in various areas of life, including emotional relationships and living with a partner, accommodation or the management of financial resources.

It would seem that disabled women, the elderly and the severely deaf are the categories that experience the biggest difficulties in gaining access to the labour market (Carpenter, M,. 1998).

4.2 Legal definitions, categories and restrictions on access to measures for disabled people at the local and regional level

Disabled people are one of the social groups in respect of which member states agree the most, whether it is a matter of recognising their difficulties with regard to socio-vocational insertion or of establishing measures to promote and facilitate employment as a means of achieving social integration.

Most countries have enacted national legislation that defines the concept of a disability and establishes different categories. The precondition is that only those people who have been officially recognised as suffering from a specific degree of disability can benefit from the relevant measures.

However, differences between countries become apparent as soon as this group of people is defined as a target of specific measures. While all the members of the European Union mention or expressly refer to their national legislation in their replies, the countries of eastern Europe provide various definitions that do not always seem to correspond to concepts capable of being translated into legal terms (frequent mention is made of such terms as “invalid”, “disadvantaged” or “limited abilities”).

The different definitions provided refer to the elements of a disability (legislation varies considerably from one country to another), to its possible causes (accident, birth, disease), to different types (physical, mental/psychological) and to the degrees of disability (in percentage terms).

In the EU member states, legislation to encourage the employment of disabled people has up to now focused on differentiated measures based on employment obligations. However. for some years now there has been an increase in anti-discriminatory provisions centred on equal opportunities.

The difficulties in ensuring the implementation of legally binding measures in support of integration (insofar as such measures exist), have led to a debate on the need to make it compulsory for companies to respect job quotas for disabled people and on the extent to which this obligation will result in the better vocational insertion of those concerned. At the European conference held in Toledo on “Employment and labour market insertion strategies as a tool for social inclusion“ (Gavira & González, 2002), it was stressed that this debate should focus on companies’ social responsibility. However the various interest groups represented did not all share this view. While the two sides of industry, especially in Britain, supported the voluntary character of the application of quotas in the name of “flexibility”, the NGOs were opposed to legislation with little legal force, reminding the conference that market interests could run counter to equal rights and that the existence of strict legislation was precisely what had permitted the development of labour law, which, let us not forget, specifies the minimum guarantee with regard to the right to employment.

Others emphasised at this conference that, in spite of the European directives prohibiting discrimination, the question of integration is in practice rarely linked to that of discrimination. A link should therefore be established between disabled people’s rights and the legislation and policies that have been adopted. It is necessary both for the European institutions and the territorial authorities to keep a closer eye on the implementation of these anti-discriminatory directives and punish any breaches.

Moreover, an additional distinction could be drawn between countries whose disabled legislation is part of an overall policy to fight discrimination and those that adopt isolated measures.

Although these general parameters are usually defined at the national level and vary considerably from country to country, the actual legal provisions and their implementation depend to a large extent on the local/regional framework - resources available, concrete programmes, etc – in which they are to be applied. In a minority of countries, the territorial authorities have legislative powers (for example , the Länder in Germany and Austria or the autonomous communities in Spain).

In the European Union countries, the functions delegated to the local authorities are not always clearly defined, with the result that the local and regional authorities are involved to a greater or lesser extent depending on the resources they can obtain from other administrative bodies and on the presence of NGOs in their territory. The measures for which the local authorities most commonly assume responsibility concern the provision of sheltered jobs.

4.3 Knowledge about the group at the local and regional level: statistical invisibility and low social relevance

Since most countries have legislation on and classify specific disabilities and possess a strong network of disabled organisations (in the EU, few sectors have such a well-developed network of voluntary associations), it ought to be possible to expect relatively reliable statistics concerning this group, including at the social level.
From an analysis of the questionnaire, it would appear that, from the quantitative point of view, data is available on the overall number of disabled people. However, it is difficult to know how precise this data is and to what extent it covers all the possible situations, given that one of the characteristics of the group studied is its lack of statistical visibility, especially as regards certain categories of disability that are less obvious or associated with problems related to poverty and marginalisation.
Most of the replies to the questionnaires provide fairly precise figures on the number of disabled people living in the territory of the authority concerned, sometimes with a breakdown by type or category. However, the level of detail and uniformity of the data varies considerably, with some respondents only providing local or national figures and others providing both. Some respondents supplied statistics by type or degree of disability or relating to the vocational situation.
In the replies from the countries of western Europe, it is not unusual to find instead of concrete figures a reference to a specific source or a publication purported to contain the data.⁴

4.4 Organisational framework of movements of disabled people compared with other players: the role of the territorial authorities

As a rule, and in the majority of countries, disabled people are well-organised in territorial associations and federations (in most cases of people affected by the same form (physical or mental) or the same type (blindness, deafness, Down’s syndrome, kidney disease, etc) of disability.

These organisations of disabled people do not limit their activities to a particular territory but they are more active in the major urban centres and developed or central regions. They are intermediaries that play a key role by contributing to the development of a more positive awareness of disabilities and the legislative framework and by becoming involved in support for disabled people and their education and training (Carpenter, M., 1998).

This voluntary movement developed to a large extent on the initiative of families of disabled people. In most countries, these associations have been in existence for many years; are sufficiently well-established and recognised as being able to act as the mouthpiece of the disabled, represent them in negotiations with the various administrative bodies and agencies and conclude agreements on their behalf. They are also actively involved in the management of concrete programmes and measures for these people, in co-operation with various local or regional public agencies (usually their social sections or departments) and private facilities.

The decentralisation of the management of social policies and employment measures has given territorial authorities and NGOs a new role. Whether it is a case of implementing policies that promote horizontal co-ordination at the local level, as in some countries, or projects supported by European funds to further employment and equal opportunities, which is more often the case, we are witnessing the development of interesting partnership-based initiatives.

Nevertheless, these initiatives are still rare in the countries studied. The apparent chronic lack of budget appropriations in the social services and local employment services, the long-established custom of treating the different policy categories separately in their day-to-day management and the fear of giving rise among the sectoral NGOs concerned to expectations the local authorities could not fulfil because they do not control their own resources are all factors that result in these authorities tending to play more of a support role in the policies of the big disabled networks and federations rather than actively promoting and managing the measures designed for this group.

On the other hand, the disabled organisations, in calling for the application of legal provisions (where they exist) that prohibit social discrimination or provide for job quotas in the public sector (Germany, France, Spain) or the elimination of architectural obstacles in passageways or public buildings, are gradually introducing a new culture to policy-makers or local authorities by making them aware of the necessity to take account of the concrete needs of disabled people in local life.

However, the delegation of the management of local policies to the NGOs, which, of all the organisations representing the various vulnerable groups, have the most experience in the so-called “third” sector, is a sort of “privatisation” since it sometimes results in creating, within the group itself, a form of “competition” between the big networks of voluntary organisations for the recruitment of members and access to the resources available. The networks for the defence of the disabled sometimes even compete with other groups of equally vulnerable but less organised people, such as immigrants or the long-term unemployed, who are also victims of social marginalisation. Doubts might therefore be expressed about the effectiveness of the current model for combating exclusion.

The NGOs also encounter the following problem: if they do not attain a certain size to be competitive on the “solidarity market”, the practical effect of their lack of resources will be that their operations will be based more on voluntary unpaid workers than on a professional service catering for the individual needs of its clients.

For all these reasons, the territorial authorities should take it upon themselves to provide arbitration and facilitate equal opportunities by overcoming this excessive compartmentalisation between the ever more individual and corporatist interests of the target groups.

4.5 Link between benefit policies and active measures to help disabled people

In order to achieve maximum efficiency, it is necessary to implement an integrated policy for the promotion of the social insertion of disabled people by bringing together measures of a diverse nature.

For example, a number of European countries have opted in their legislation for a policy of providing minimum benefits that vary according to the nature of the disability. Such a policy prevents the economic exclusion of disabled people but does not solve the problem of their socio-vocational insertion, so provision must also be made for “activation” measures, that is to say policies that provide motivation, education, the acquisition of social and technical skills, job counselling and advice aimed at increasing the skills of these people. It seems that with regard to social insertion and the effectiveness of the range of tools available the best results can be obtained precisely by co-ordinating public benefit and employer incentive policies on the one hand and “activation” measures on the other.

Nevertheless, the co-ordination of policies makes it necessary for there to be both a more precise definition of the responsibilities of the various administrative authorities required to implement them and a willingness to co-operate, for which the local level is ideal since its greater closeness to the citizen means the results of the co-ordination will be clearly visible. It is consequently important to be aware of the territorial authorities’ degree of responsibility in this area before going on to describe the policies implemented in practice.

4.6 Skill level and territorial authorities’ ability to intervene

The absence of a clear definition of the respective responsibilities of the state, the regional authorities and the local authorities (including the small localities and large towns) is a considerable obstacle to the proper and efficient use of resources.

The difficulties encountered when trying to co-ordinate organised groups and territorial authorities were briefly described in the previous section. A great deal remains to be done in this area, although this practice is becoming more widespread in the countries of the European Union. The situation is even more complicated when the same territory obtains resources from several administrative authorities whose heads may belong to different political parties and have to obtain approval for their policy management on an electoral market where they are rivals. Under these circumstances, the conflict of responsibilities means it is not always easy to fulfil the defined tasks within a co-operative framework.

There is no standard practice for the decentralisation of policy management. In many countries, responsibilities for this remain centralised. According to the replies to the questionnaire, about 50% of cases involving disabled people are partly the responsibility of the local and regional authorities and partly of other bodies. They are the exclusive responsibility of the territorial authorities in 25% of cases and that of other entities in the remaining 25%.

The replies to the questionnaire indicate that the proportion of territorial authorities with exclusive responsibility is the highest in the countries of southern and northern Europe (See Table 6).

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors

4.7 Existence of gender-specific policies

In spite of the considerable obstacles and difficulties encountered by disabled women and the specific European Union directives requiring the inclusion of gender-related components in all policies, it is still extremely rare for these specific measures actually to be implemented.

Only 12% of the measures taken by the territorial authorities that replied to the questionnaire (according to the authorities themselves) take account of gender-specific aspects in their implementation.

It is particularly conspicuous that the countries of northern Europe, with their great tradition of integrating women into public life, and eastern Europe have done the least to introduce measures of this nature. The reason for this might be sought in the traditional separation of the institutions. This continues to be the practice at the local level, where there are equal opportunities agencies, on the one hand, and employment promotion agencies or the social services, on the other, all traditionally involved with disabled people.

In the case of the countries of eastern Europe, the difficult economic situation is also a hindrance to the establishment of a women-specific policy. Women not only encounter the biggest difficulties with regard to socio-vocational insertion but are also excluded more from access to integration measures.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

4.8 Measures promoting personal development

The commonest measures employed by territorial authorities for disabled people as a group are, in their order of frequency, 1. information services, including education on healthy living habits, to promote autonomy, and 2. guidance and employment advice. Measures to encourage motivation and self-confidence are also implemented on a daily basis.

Measures aimed at increasing the level of education are also important, especially as the members of this social group encounter considerable problems owing to their educational deficiencies (European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 1998). Also important are measures to develop social skills and thus promote the integration of disabled people into their environment. These measures are very often carried out by means of leisure activities, which are therefore important too.

There is a clear need for better measures to educate enterprises and increase their positive awareness, especially in the case of small and medium-sized enterprises, which are the least well-informed about this problem. The means of raising the employers’ positive awareness must above all serve to change their minds on three aspects where they are prejudiced against employing disabled people: absenteeism, (by providing them with proof refuting their preconceived ideas on the frequency of sickness and absenteeism among members of this group); their confusion of disability with lack of skill (by providing proof of disabled people’s skills); and their fear of the inherent risks (by trying to limit them through the involvement of organisations that act as intermediaries [NGOs]). The best thing would be to make use of the information provided by the cases of good practices.

It is surprising to note that there are only rare instances of measures to help women with children – a nursery is mentioned in only one case – or to obtain accommodation, even though individual autonomy is one of the major problems facing this group.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

This type of measure is implemented most in the eastern and northern European countries, which support programmes that involve the provision of information and education and the promotion of motivation and self-confidence.

In eastern Europe, the most frequent measures are the provision of information, guidance and education for working life, while in southern Europe the focus is on education and information.

4.9 Measures promoting access to the labour market

In the case of this type of measure for disabled people, the most frequent are as follows: 1. financial assistance for employers; 2. information and/or guidance services; 3. individualised education; 4. special/sheltered jobs.

Measures to provide employers with financial incentives top the list of those adopted. However, according to studies on disabled people carried out by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions in Dublin, although these measures play a key facilitating role they do not, in the way they function at present, necessarily meet the needs either of employers or of workers, nor do they reflect current technological or labour market trends.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

In the hiring process, there is no recognition of the importance of equal opportunities or other good practices concerning the employment of disabled people. The low level of self-esteem and self-confidence resulting from the attitudes of colleagues and employers can limit the disabled person’s integration and vocational development in the company. However, it would seem that the attitudes of the employers who take them on show it is important to have some experience in this area (Carpenter, M., 1998). The local authorities must play a more active role in the implementation of measures to raise the awareness of company managers and increase their understanding of disabled people.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors

In the majority of countries, with the exception of northern Europe, the most frequent measures are the provision of incentives to employers.

In eastern Europe, the most common measures are the provision of vocational information and training, while in western and central Europe this position is held by information and placement services and sheltered employment measures. In northern Europe, training is the measure most frequently used, although all the other measures are implemented too. In southern Europe, measures involving various forms of sheltered employment predominate.

Generally speaking, it would seem that employers do not have a sufficient knowledge of legislative measures relating to disabled people, so the provision of this type of information to employers should be improved in order to increase the employment of disabled people.

One of the most common measures is the creation of sheltered work – ie jobs specifically created for disabled people in specialised employment centres or such sectors as lotteries or other games of chance.

It can be said that, in order to improve the vocational insertion of this group, the territorial authorities should improve their arrangements for supplying information on existing measures to provide sheltered employment, on financial incentives (including information on how to obtain them), on the promotion of good hiring and employment practices and how to obtain the appropriate references when a disabled person is to be employed.

4.10 Measures promoting self-employment

In view of the specific difficulties involved in employment for disabled people, self-employed work for this group is only available sporadically in rich urban areas and requires strong support to be provided throughout the process. In all cases, practical measures are available to promote self-employment. In the context of this type of measure designed to help disabled people, the most common are, in order of frequency: 1. information and/or counselling services; 2. motivation and self-confidence; 3. help with the formalities necessary for self-employment; 4. specific financial assistance; and 5. the promotion of flexible approaches with regard to information, training, guidance and employment creation support.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors

It is surprising that so little importance is attached to measures to provide financial support for disabled people who are involved in creating their own employment and need such support to put their own business or company on a firm footing, especially given the nature of the difficulties encountered by this group.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

In all countries, there appears to be great enthusiasm for measures promoting access to the new technologies in order to encourage disabled people to do self-employed work.

Here, too, it seems that the countries of northern Europe are the ones that are the most keen to support measures promoting self-employed work in this category, principally by facilitating access to the new technologies by means of networks and machinery to promote sheltered employment.

The countries of southern Europe seem to attach less importance to this aspect of self-employed work and far prefer measures to provide advice and support for the creation of self-employed work for disabled people. There is a similar tendency in eastern Europe and the zone comprising central and western Europe, where measures to provide information or advice to promote motivation are those most commonly used.

5. THE ROLE OF TERRITORIAL AUTHORITIES IN MEASURES TO ASSIST UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE WISHING TO BECOME SELF-EMPLOYED

5.1 Unemployed people and self-employment

Only a small percentage of unemployed people prefer to become self-employed rather than find paid work (OECD, 2000). It can therefore be inferred from this that the number of unemployed people opting for self-employed work as a means of socio-vocational insertion is still very low. The lack of jobs available, the establishment of a unit to promote motivation or the existence of equal opportunities policies for accessing self-employed work are factors that have to be taken into consideration.

According to the “Employment Options of the Future” survey carried out by the European Foundation in Dublin, in the fifteen member states of the European Union only 15% of the people who re-enter the job market (women and unemployed persons) declared they preferred to work for themselves, although the percentage of young people looking for their first job was 25%. Among the women and unemployed who had already had a job, one out of five said they had no preference for either of the two types of work, which is perhaps due to the lack of guidance or advice or to their willingness to consider any opportunity that presents itself.

This means that local and regional policy-makers should consider encouraging the establishment of machinery that makes it possible to give concrete expression to the willingness of individuals to work for themselves.

There is a considerable demand for self-employed work by young people looking for their first job, which makes it necessary to provide counselling services and specialised advice on qualifications adapted to their particular situation. It would seem that gender differences are considered very important by those who feel attracted to the idea of working for themselves. Women show the least interest in this type of socio-vocational insertion, which is to some extent logical given the significant cutbacks in assistance for domestic help and child-minding in the majority of countries and their need to try to reconcile their family responsibilities and the longer working hours self-employed work often involves.

It seems that the people who are available for self-employed work more than anyone else are unemployed men with the most qualifications and employment experience, so, in addition to measures for people who will decide to become self-employed anyway without necessarily relying on various incentives, local and regional policy-makers must take steps to implement policies to promote motivation and provide assistance specifically targeted at women and the least qualified unemployed people.

According to the “Employment Options of the Future” survey and the research conducted by the OECD, the increase in self-employed work is concentrated in the sectors of the economy enjoying more rapid growth, ie company services (in the central areas) and community services. The majority of those with self-employed jobs work for their own account, ie independently without any employees, and there are only rare cases of people who become instant company managers.

5.2 Types of unemployed people wishing to do self-employed work, restrictions, and opportunities in law concerning access to local and regional measures designed to assist them

In many of the replies to the questionnaire, no specific definition of this category is provided apart from that given of people classed as unemployed. Mention is sometimes made of specific conditions to obtain assistance to set up a business (being registered as unemployed, age, ineligibilities, etc).

When express mention is made of the category of people wishing to do self-employed work, details are sometimes added that describe the group, for example “women wanting to-re-enter the labour market”, “unemployed people unable to find paid work”, “redundant for economic reasons”, etc. This is due to the fact that, in general, no target groups are created within the category of unemployed people who intend to take different routes to socio-vocational insertion unless the groups concerned are traditionally “labelled” by the social services as being problem groups (people with health, drug or housing problems, marginal groups, ethnic minorities, etc). As a rule, these groups do not fall within the remit of the employment agencies, which are usually geared more to helping individuals who find themselves in a “normal” unemployment situation . However, this is simply a theory and depends more on the locations of the services than on the relevance of a more appropriate and reliable definition of the clients and of the effectiveness of a local approach to co-ordinating the two types of service.

In the majority of cases, the description of the group depends on existing administrative restrictions on access to grants for setting up businesses, such as the duration specified, precise objectives, etc. The regulations governing this assistance are usually national provisions whose implementation is usually the responsibility of the employment agencies in the economic divisions or departments of the territorial authorities. This puts specific emphasis on the economic aspect of the assistance that the majority of people asking for help to start a company can receive, since it leaves out of account the important social criteria that enable the various types of client to be assessed and supported, such as gender-specific aspects, level of education, economic resources, ethnic origin (in the case of the regions inhabited by various ethnic groups), etc.

It can ultimately be said that clients are defined according to the measures taken. As already pointed out, since those who “venture” to set up their own company are more often than not qualified men with a certain amount of experience. the remaining groups go unnoticed and fail to obtain sound advice or become discouraged when faced with this possibility. This results in jobless people wanting to work for themselves not being treated as a specific target group but simply blending in with the general mass of the unemployed.

According to the replies to the questionnaire, the measures adopted by the territorial authorities to promote self-employed work for the unemployed are usually non-specific in nature, and reference is only made to women-specific measures in a few cases.

5.3 Employment agencies’ knowledge about groups of unemployed people wishing to engage in self-employed work

The difficulties in formulating a specific definition of this category are also to be found when it comes to establishing how it is made up in both quantitative and qualitative terms. The majority of respondents only supplied figures for unemployed people in general and made no actual reference to the number wishing to become self-employed.

In certain cases, a count has been made of the number of individuals who have obtained assistance to set up a business or participated in programmes for people wishing to do, but no distinction has been made between those who have been able to gain access to this service and potential applicants whose numbers are not generally known.

Measures promoting self-employment are more necessary in the regions where the supply of jobs is limited, but resources and programmes are generally concentrated in the urban areas and more prosperous regions.

5.4 Relations between local authorities and unemployed organisations, non-profit-making NGOs, trade unions and employers’ associations. Organisational framework

The unemployed organisations that encourage self-employment are few and far between. The decision on whether to set up in business is usually the result of a personal initiative and depends a great deal on the resources the unemployed person has at their disposal in terms of qualifications, experience, financial assets or family support, as well as on institutional resources provided at the local level.

As far as the promotion of self-employment for women is concerned, the equal opportunities agencies or bodies responsible for community initiatives decide to promote the establishment of networks of women entrepreneurs in certain cases, either in a specified area or in association with a specific business sector, with the aim of developing mutual support strategies aimed at helping them to defend their interests or formulate structured demands vis-à-vis the authorities responsible. However, it must be admitted that networks of this type are rare.

In the case of young people, there are associations of young entrepreneurs established to encourage business creation. As a rule, they are empowered by the higher education centres or structural programmes for local development, especially in rural areas and in the EU and the countries of eastern Europe.

Various initiatives arising from structural development programmes have involved the adoption of measures to provide incentives to, and raise the awareness of, those with the most difficulties in finding employment. The purpose of these measures is to make it possible for these people to set up networks or non-profit organisations that will enable them to become involved in partnership strategies for the promotion of self-employment, whether as individuals or within various types of company or enterprise. This is to some extent evident from the replies to the questionnaire, which indicate that just over two-thirds of agencies responsible for measures for this category of unemployed people are involved in the promotion of networks and partnerships between different players.

For all these reasons, the specific organisations of unemployed people wishing to become self-employed are rarely mentioned in the replies to the questionnaires. Any references to organisations are to unemployed associations or employers’ associations in general.

The agencies that support unemployed people who establish businesses are usually public in nature, such as the economic development departments of the territorial authorities, employment agencies and various kinds of employers’ associations. Here, too, the lack of co-ordination between these bodies makes it difficult for them to be really aware of other categories of unemployed entrepreneurs who access public services via local equal opportunities offices.

5.5 Links between benefit policies and active measures to assist the unemployed

In the case of unemployed people wishing to become self-employed, the possibility of combining active support measures for business creation and the option of building up capital from unemployment benefits is particularly interesting since one of the problems facing those who set up businesses is their lack of financial resources.

Two-thirds of the authorities that replied to the questionnaire foster the capitalisation of an enterprise using unemployment benefits. Practically the same proportion said they had taken measures to protect people who create businesses by formalising the activity via minimum salaries during the start-up phase. This is a very positive way of promoting the development of flexible routes that enable unemployed people to consolidate their position as enterprise proprietors. The problem is that, even if economic incentives and active measures are available, the incentives usually take a long time to apply or require a number of conditions to be met beforehand, which leads to administrative/bureaucratic delays that may be genuine obstacles to enterprise creation.

However, here, too, the fact these authorities have unequal powers owing to the different polices implemented also poses problems for this group. For example, it is particularly important for an unemployed person who has decided on the business they want to set up to access the ad hoc training measures they need in order not to waste too much time. The problem is that the agencies responsible to the territorial authorities, are not always able to provide à la carte vocational training, which delays and sometimes hampers the steps taken by these unemployed people to put their initiative into practice. This calls for imaginative strategies, which usually involve the coordination of the various services and the creation of partnerships between various players, such as local companies, trade unions, unemployed organisations or organisations of vulnerable groups, the local authority, etc, in order to facilitate access to a wider range of services at the regional level, thus capitalising on the general resources available.

The local authorities’ leading role in strategies to set up partnerships is generally one of their strengths when it comes to promoting equal opportunities, since they can rely on skilled staff in their departments to deal with clients with different backgrounds - who cannot but be satisfied with the economic incentives or advice offered them by the business services department. These staff are normally used to the type of rules and regulations not always understood by some groups of unemployed people, especially the poorly educated, so it is necessary in a number of cases to turn to mediators or specialists from other departments able to provide the clients with a translation of the rules that generally set out the formal requirements for access to assistance measures but are couched in technocratic language.

5.6 Degree of responsibility and territorial authorities’ ability to intervene

In approximately half of all cases, the political power to develop these measures for unemployed people wishing to become self-employed is shared between the authority that replied to the questionnaire and other authorities. A quarter of measures are the exclusive responsibility of the territorial authorities and another quarter that of other administrative authorities or departments, which is all the more reason for the territorial authorities to take the initiative and introduce co-ordination strategies.

The countries of northern and southern Europe have the largest percentage of measures for which the authority that replied to the questionnaire either has exclusive political responsibility or shares it with other authorities. In western Europe, the other authorities have greater responsibility in this area. The decentralisation of measures to support self-employment seems to be less extensive in the other regions, which limits the territorial authorities’ autonomy for launching these local initiatives (see Table 6).

5.7 Implications of policies for equal opportunities for men and women

Women who set up businesses have to face additional difficulties compared with men. Their background details often reveal they have less work experience, which explains their difficulties in accessing the necessary resources. Another problem that should be mentioned is the social prejudices that lead financial intermediaries to consider their company creation initiatives as a potentially more “volatile” investment (OECD, 2000).

Consequently, if the need to increase the support for self-employment among women is taken seriously the territorial authorities should act as intermediaries by adopting measures that make it possible to connect with the financial sector and, above all, by promoting the creation of the necessary social infrastructures adapted to companies’ extended working hours so as to help women reconcile family and working life.

It would seem that the private services sector, which is currently expanding, can provide opportunities for creating forms of self-employed work better geared to women’s needs, since it does not always require a large investment or longer working hours.

The territorial authorities also need to conduct sustained campaigns to provide information on good practices with regard to women’ self-employment, with a view to forming opinion and helping them overcome social barriers and the attitudes they sometimes encounter among certain people responsible for the management of private or public resources.

The provision of equal opportunities training to those involved in the management of territorial services is particularly important in order to support and provide funding and opportunities for women who want to become or are already self-employed and to prevent any increase in gender segregation through the implementation of these measures.

5.8 Measures promoting personal development: types, skills, gender differences and impact

In the context of these policies for unemployed people wishing to become self-employed, the most frequent types of measures implemented are, firstly, information and/or advice services for self-employed work and, secondly, measures to foster motivation and self-confidence to enable some of those who are unemployed to consider such a move (See Table 8-1).

Although unemployed people wishing to become self-employed may generally need measures to help them and promote their personal development (a long-term unemployed person usually has fairly low levels of motivation and self-confidence), it is rare for this to be sufficiently taken into account. The information gathered reveals that the measures promoting self-employed work are very often limited to initiatives aimed at granting financial assistance and/or providing help with the bureaucratic formalities and administrative work necessary for setting up a company, and in many cases this help is not enough.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

This type of measure is most widespread in the countries of northern Europe. The measures least applied are those to support self-employed work by people with children, usually women. The lack of nursery facilities is less serious in western Europe, usually because self-employed work is more in demand among men since women have other possibilities available. In the other regions, about half of all authorities stated they had fostered this type of measure, which is most common in the Nordic countries.

In southern Europe, it would also appear that measures for self-employed work are reserved for people who intend to open a shop, and measures to provide guidance, motivation or advice on self-employed work are less common, which is, to say the least, surprising since it is in these regions that fewer jobs are available. It would therefore be advisable to work more in this direction rather than simply providing financial incentives or measures to support a one-stop policy, which benefits the less vulnerable more than others.

On the other hand, it seems that the countries of eastern Europe have accepted the necessity of promoting a change towards a competitive market culture in which fewer jobs are available.

5.9 Measures promoting self-employment: types, skills, gender differences and impact

In the context of this type of policy aimed at unemployed people wishing to become self-employed, the most frequent types of measure are: 1. direct financial assistance (starting salary, grants, credits, etc); 2. information and advice on the steps and procedures to be followed with regard to self-employment; 3. training and support by means of flexible routes to self-employment (see Table 8-2).

As a result of the difficulties unemployed people face in accessing finance and the obstacles they generally encounter in their dealings with finance departments before being able to obtain funding, the primary role is played by economic incentives, which take the form of direct grants, the financing of loans or the possibility of obtaining risk capital. The promotion of social enterprises plays a fairly important role here, with more than 71% of authorities granting financial support to such enterprises. However, there is a lack of significant support for the social aspects of the management of human resources, organisational resources, etc, which are the most difficult resources to manage in many countries.

Although, according to the replies to the questionnaire, it is still very rare for an advisory service to be available to the long-term unemployed and young people wishing to work on their own account, three-quarters of the authorities that replied to the questionnaire and work with these vulnerable social groups maintain financial support measures specifically aimed at them.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

Less than a quarter of bodies provide continuing training for unemployed people who are creating their own employment. However, three-quarters provide training in the use of the new technologies.

It is worth pointing out the measures to support the self-employment of the long-term unemployed and young people, especially in northern Europe, as well as the provision of financial incentives and the possibility of company capitalisation through unemployment benefits or grants to the unemployed.

Flexible routes to self-employment are less frequent in southern Europe, as are the promotion of sheltered markets and the creation of partnership networks.

The ability of these groups to hold their own on markets that are still highly competitive varies considerably. According to the replies to the questionnaire, more than half the respondent bodies have developed sheltered market programmes for these unemployed people, which usually allow them access to employment in the public services or public works industries.

Although mention is made in a few concrete cases of experiments or programmes specifically designed for women, especially women of a certain age wishing to re-enter the labour market once their children have left home, only 14% of all measures promoting self-employed work incorporate gender-specific aspects.

6. THE ROLE OF TERRITORIAL AUTHORITIES IN MEASURES TO PROMOTE THE EMPLOYMENT OF IMMIGRANTS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES

6.1 Socio-vocational integration difficulties encountered by immigrants and ethnic minorities

As far as this group is concerned, it is necessary to take into consideration the fact that not all immigrants have the same possibilities of being integrated into the labour market. The most vulnerable groups originate from poor countries and have problems in regularising their situation or arrived after fleeing their country of origin for political or economic reasons. Here, too, it is women who face the most difficult situations, although their flexibility in adapting to domestic work, which goes unnoticed by society and escapes the checks on foreigners required by law, sometimes makes it easier for them to find a job than men, even if this type of employment means they are under-employed in terms of their qualifications. Ethnic characteristics pose additional problems with regard to insertion when they differ considerably from those of the native majority population.

However, a distinction should be drawn between the immigrants who arrived during the phase of European industrialisation from the 1950s to the end of the 1970s and have a tradition of possessing certain rights and well-established networks, and those who originate from poor countries, former communist countries in eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall or countries afflicted by war or humanitarian disasters. The latter group have encountered a much more hostile climate and arrived in countries that, until recently, were themselves exporters of manpower, such as the regions in southern Europe, which have little experience of managing social and integration policies for such groups and have networks of associations that act as intermediaries but are not as strong as those in western or northern Europe .

The extreme lack of financial security usually faced by the majority of these immigrants owing to the absence of social protection and their inability to meet nationality requirements results in their being prepared to accept irregular employment under the most atypical of contracts. There are few cases in which immigrants are integrated into the stable and well-paid sectors of the labour market.

Nevertheless, immigrants have to contend with a range of prejudices that grows larger the more difficulties the autochthonous population has in finding jobs. The result is that as soon as they find skilled work in the non-traditional sectors they are confronted with mistrust on the part of the autochthonous residents, who consider them disloyal competitors. In many cases, this fact is accepted by the immigrant population, who sometimes turn down promotions.

The obstacles caused by the rules and regulations relating to administrative documents add to the problems immigrants have to cope with (delays in completing the formalities for obtaining a work permit, slowness in accepting job changes, all of which lead to the loss of opportunities to become integrated). Because of this, they rely exclusively on solidarity networks that provide them with advice and support to deal with the administrative authorities, which in many cases pursue a policy of annual job quotas that has not been adapted to the employers’ actual needs. Given their problems in dealing with administrative matters, the fact that they have to take up a job offer immediately very often results in their having no alternative but to accept illicit work. Consequently, in many cases immigrants do not have an employment contract, which makes it difficult for them to renew their work permits. This situation is particularly detrimental to immigrants from cultures which, for reasons of language or religion, have the least affinity to the employer.

All these problems are compounded by the treatment of immigrants by the media, which repeatedly use words like “illegal” when referring to them and so encourage civil society’s rejection of foreigners, whom they associate with crime and the mafia.

The external factors are compounded by the problems resulting from the immigrants’ situation regarding the accommodation and working conditions (seasonal work, lack of job security) usually offered them. The housing issue is one of the most important for their integration since the location of their accommodation – often in remote neighbourhoods or disadvantaged areas where the conditions are very bad - makes it hard for them to reach employment agencies. Their accommodation consists of overcrowded dwellings whose occupants are very often forced to pay exorbitant rents or are only allowed to stay during certain periods depending on production requirements. Given this situation, public initiatives to foster social housing and hostels for immigrant seasonal workers are not nearly enough to meet needs.

Another set of problems arises because there is no possibility of recognising the vocational qualifications that would permit access to the labour market. For example, there are difficulties associated with the recognition of university degrees. Another problem is the lack of such practical skills as a knowledge of the host country’s language and the employment culture.

Another major problem this social group faces is their lack of knowledge of institutional and community resources for vocational integration and access to jobs.

6.2 Types of groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities, restrictions and possibilities in law concerning access to local and regional measures designed to assist them

As regards a definition of this category on the basis of the replies to the questionnaire, a number of differences emerged depending on the region. Briefly, three different types of reply can be discerned, ranging from bodies that stated “this group does not exist or is not recognised as such” (from the legal point of view) to those that declared “the category includes are all those who are not nationals of this country”. In other cases, direct reference is made to the group of Roma/Gypsies. Other authorities distinguish between the immigrants, whom they consider to be “foreigners who come for economic reasons” and refugees who are “foreigners who come for political reasons”. The differences between these categories may in certain cases lead to differentiating between immigrants, refugees, political refugees, people granted asylum, etc.

The legal framework usually consists of a national law on foreign nationals or a social law of general application. In certain countries, there is also a national law on the protection if minorities or on combating discrimination against minorities. In addition to these national laws, there is also an entire body of regional and local regulations that apply to certain territories although the matters involved are mainly a national responsibility.

This shows the wide legislative differences that exist in the countries studied with regard to these social groups, which makes it difficult to implement equal opportunities throughout the territory. Moreover, the existence of a law or regulations does not in itself guarantee their application, and it is here that the non-governmental organisations that act as intermediaries acquire a priority remit.

6.3 Quantitative and qualitative knowledge about groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities

The replies to the questionnaire provide little data on this subject, and such data as are supplied are difficult to interpret in view of the nomadic lives led by the Roma/Gypsies and the often illegal situation of immigrants and refugees.

However, this difficulty is only mentioned in a few replies. The others provide precise figures on immigrants, albeit in a rather heterogeneous fashion with regard to regions, groups, nationalities etc.

In some cases, the territorial authorities simply mention whether this is a recent phenomenon in their territory or whether the number of immigrants has recently increased, without giving any further details.

For all these reasons, it is fair to assume that the territorial authorities have a very limited knowledge about these groups, and they should improve it if they want to implement social integration measures.

6.4 Relations between local authorities and immigrant and ethnic minority organisations

A relatively large number of respondents mention organisations of immigrants (according to their nationality) and ethnic minorities (Roma/Gypsies or other ethnic groups). In addition, there are sufficient NGOs that help these groups, especially in the large urban areas and more central regions.

All these organisations play an important role as mouthpieces for these groups, defending their human rights and representing their interests în dealings with various administrative authorities.

A number of replies stress the problem posed by the considerable fragmentation of these organisations: there is one for each nationality and each ethic group in each region. Although this situation is a sign of great diversity, it makes it difficult to implement a common policy, as the authorities surveyed stated. Most of the organisations that support these groups are private non-profit associations.

The relationship with territorial authorities is usually based on co-operation and the defence of human rights, but there is sometimes competition for access to resources.

6.5 Links between benefit policies and active measures to assist immigrants and ethnic minorities

In 58% of cases, measures to assist immigrants and ethnic minorities are the shared responsibility of the authority that replied to the questionnaire and other authorities, while 28% are the exclusive responsibility of the territorial authorities and only 13% are that of other entities.

The highest percentage of measures that are the exclusive responsibility of the entity that replied to the questionnaire, ie. the local and regional authorities (see Table 6), is to be found in northern and southern Europe.

With regard to the two other vulnerable groups studied, it is important to note that it is in their case that territorial authorities have the highest degree of responsibility (whether shared or exclusive) for socio-vocational measures. This is because it is ultimately these authorities that have to deal with the urgent problems that arise in their territory.

Theoretically, this should encourage more co-ordination of the various policies, but what happens in reality is that, owing to the low level of resources they can count on, the local authorities leave the majority of the measures to the organisations that act as intermediaries. Therefore, of all the vulnerable groups studied it is only in the case of this group that more than half the authorities allocate resources to the promotion of the voluntary sector and of NGOs involved in the management of active measures aimed at enabling immigrants and ethnic minorities to gain access to employment.

It is also only in the case of this group that almost two-thirds of authorities allocate resources to the training of intercultural mediators.

Given the temporary character of the employment that these people access or their unauthorised situation, it is difficult for them to claim unemployment benefit. At best, they receive a minimum income allowance, although there is no mention whatsoever that these authorities manage income protection measures in connection with activation measures.

6.6 Inclusion of gender-related components in measures to assist immigrants and ethnic minorities

According to the replies to the questionnaire, it appears that with regard to this group the inclusion of gender-related components is most prevalent in the case of the various measures promoting socio-vocational insertion. In spite of this, only a quarter of the respondent authorities take account of gender differences in their initiatives.

The countries of western and northern Europe, which have a bigger tradition of taking in immigrants and have networks of these groups, have the largest proportion of authorities that take account of this aspect (see Table 7), while in southern Europe only a little over 11% of respondent authorities stated they did so, and in eastern Europe, where there is generally greater ethnic diversity, only 15% implement measures of this nature.

The inclusion of gender-related components in measures to integrate these groups is extremely important since women usually have additional tasks as a result of having to combine work and family, which makes it necessary to establish social amenities such as nurseries or skill centres to enable them to reconcile these responsibilities.

It has to be said that few women are involved in the management of the organisations of these groups, and their interests are therefore not always represented.

Mention should be made in particular of the measures to alleviate the problems arising from the nomadic lifestyle of Roma/Gypsy women. and their impact on their chances of accessing education and vocational training in a patriarchal culture that does not always allow them any decision-making autonomy.

6.7 Types of measures focusing on support and personal development

In the context of these measures to assist the group comprising immigrants and ethnic minorities, the most frequent are: the provision of information on working conditions and on citizenship rights, which, as we have noted, constitute one of the main problems since the possibility of accessing other social protection measures depends on this.

These measures depend to a very considerable extent on those relating to the teaching of social and cultural skills (language), which represent the second type of measure most employed by the authorities that replied to the questionnaire.

Legal assistance, medical assistance and financial help with education and accommodation occupy third place among the measures introduced by these authorities (see Table 8-1).

Taken together, these measures tackle a wide range of issues aimed at compensating for these groups’ lack of roots in the local community - whether familial, vocational or cultural. The multidimensional nature of the needs of these groups is particularly striking.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

Every country implements measures involving the provision of advice on citizenship rights and the teaching of social and cultural skills relating to the host country. These measures are followed, in order of importance, by the provision of information on working conditions and housing support in northern and western Europe.

The countries of western and eastern Europe implement measures to provide temporary accommodation, which are very important to avoid exclusion, while only just over two-thirds of authorities in northern and southern Europe carry out this type of measure.

Above all, however, the difficulties experienced in obtaining and renewing a work permit lead to these groups accepting the problems that result from social exclusion, bad housing, access to poorly paid jobs with little job satisfaction, etc, as part of their situation as immigrants or ethnic minorities. It comes to the point where this belief prevails over their situation as workers, indeed as individuals, and they begin to think they are only cheap labour without any rights to claim. This results in their being destroyed as people with rights under the law and makes them more inclined to do what any populist, religious or secular ideology tells them to do, thus depriving them of part of their need for self-esteem. It is therefore indispensable to establish measures to restore their position as individuals with legal rights, a position that gives them the dignity and faith in themselves they very often think they have lost.

Territorial authorities can play a key role in this connection by providing means of integrating these people that would involve both making it easier for them to access social services and conducting campaigns to raise the awareness of the population and convey the message that it is necessary to carry out stricter checks on illegal work itself rather than on the workers who do it.

6.8 Measures to help improve access to the labour market and foster various forms of paid employment

The most frequent types of measure designed to help these groups are: information and/or advisory services, vocational training, incentives and direct financial assistance to promote employment, and the introduction of intercultural mediators. (See Table 8-2).

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

These are the measures most commonly employed by all countries, with the exception of measures relating to cultural education and legal advice on citizenship. In both eastern and western Europe, the most frequent measures are financial assistance to employers to create jobs for these groups, the provision of advice, and placements in the public sector. In addition to financial incentives, emphasis is also placed on vocational training.

The urgent need to provide for basic necessities and recoup the money that has been invested in order to emigrate and improve the family’s financial situation normally means an individual must give a response straightaway to offers of employment that do not correspond to their vocational background but provide an immediate income. This situation leads immigrants or members of ethnic minorities to accept working conditions worse than those provided for by the labour regulations in force in the country concerned or to accept co-tenancies without a tenancy agreement. Workers thus usually find themselves at their employer’s mercy in the highly casualised employment sectors.

Measures to improve access to employment thus cannot disregard this urgent need and must be incorporated into necessarily complex processes that call both for aspects to be tailored to the employees’ working hours and essential requirements and for integrated processes, which are usually very time-consuming and sometimes take up more time than that permitted by the schedule for the economic programmes that generally finance these policies. These measures also call for specialised mediators who can draw on the valuable aid provided by their own organisations.

Owing to the characteristics of the job market they wish to access in order to meet their pressing needs, immigrant and ethnic minority groups run a great risk of insecurity and being forced to do illegal work. However, this could also be the starting-point of a route leading to a job with good working conditions, thus enabling them to avoid the trap of getting involved in illegal work and to overcome social prejudices.

6.9 Measures promoting self-employment

Given the particular difficulties involved in employing this category of people, the question of self-employment only arises in a few specific cases, for example when there are very few jobs available in the country. In this category the most frequent types of measure to help immigrants and ethnic minorities, the most frequent types are as follows: information and/or advisory services, measures to encourage the motivation and self-confidence necessary for self-employment, direct financial assistance per job created, and support and assistance during all the stages leading to the creation of a job (See Table 8-3).

It is surprising to note the absence of replies on means of financing a business, equipment or minimum salaries.

The creation of self-employed work for these groups is particularly difficult owing to the social discrimination and prejudices they face, which rub off on policy-makers, practitioners or consumers, thus diminishing the opportunities available and calling for a much greater effort on their part. However, there is work that they have the ability to do in the context of local consumption and the group itself and they should exploit this ability.

It would seem that the promotion of measures that encourage self-employment among immigrants and minorities is more common is eastern and northern Europe. However, they are not used very much, and there is more recourse to measures to encourage motivation for self-employed work and provide information, advice or financial support. On the other hand, this strategy seems less prevalent among the respondents to the questionnaire in southern Europe, where the measures to provide advice are those most frequently used.

Source: replies to 2002 questionnaire. Table drawn up by the authors.

CONCLUSIONS

Let us try to sum up the main points resulting from the analysis of the information gathered.

First and foremost, let us remind ourselves about the actual scope of this study, which, owing to the limited time and means available, is confined to a modest sketch of what is a very complex and extremely diverse situation. The analysis of all the replies to the questionnaire has enabled us to identify a number of indicators concerning relevant issues that we can use as a basis for developing ideas and strategies to gain a better understanding of, and improve, the existing mechanisms and the local and regional authorities’ role with regard to these issues.

The good practices referred to in the questionnaire reflect a wide range of concrete experiences whose principal importance lies in their variety, which enables us to understand the complexity of the existing situations and proposals. A better knowledge and dissemination of these examples can contribute to a better understanding of the actions and roles of the various players and to providing an analysis of, and improvements to, the responses to such varied problems.

The final conclusions are divided into six categories (context, vulnerable groups, players involved, active policies, good practices and assessment).

The aim of this breakdown is to improve the presentation and organisation of the conclusions of the study, but all six categories are closely interrelated since:

- the aims and objectives of the various policies must reflect the conditions and needs of the vulnerable groups;
- the resources available (staff, money and information) and the way in which they are organised determine the choice of players and the possible working methods ;
- the level of participation and co-ordination between the various players is a decisive factor if good results are to be obtained;
- the implementation of good assessment methods at the various stages of the process is conducive to the transparency of the measures and the learning of good practices.

General context and political priorities

All the European institutions are taking action against exclusion.

On the initiative of the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, several legal measures have been adopted in the field of social rights as part of a pan-European approach centred on the defence of human rights and democracy. One of the principal instruments in this area is the revised European Social Charter, which came into force in 1999 and raises the right to work to the status of a fundamental right. The year 2000 saw the adoption of the “Social Cohesion Strategy”, which underlines the importance of integrated policies in the fields of employment, social protection, housing, health and education in order to combat poverty and social exclusion.

The EU also considers social integration to be a fundamental principle, which centres on proposals on sustainable development based on four fundamental pillars: economic dynamism, innovation, efforts to achieve full employment and social cohesion.

Social cohesion has become a major pillar of the EU’s economic and social reform strategy. At the end of the Lisbon Council, the EU declared its determination in the fight against exclusion and its willingness to turn to innovative approaches as regards both policies and their implementation, based on an inclusive, individual and partnership-driven assessment. It has also taken steps to involve the various actors participating in the fight against exclusion, especially non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and local and regional authorities, the latter being called upon to play a major role in policy implementation.

As a step in this effort, the European Commission issued a statement in June 2001 containing a social policy timetable in which it declared that, while employment could not solve all poverty-related problems, it was nevertheless a guarantee against social exclusion. It referred to three parameters that had to be worked on to achieve the objectives resulting from an “open co-ordination” method: legislative action, social dialogue, and the structural funds and other Community schemes.

What causes most concern is the fact that, in spite of the decline in the unemployment figures recorded in the last few years, there are still many long-term unemployed in most European countries, a significant proportion of the population are living in acute deprivation, and the situation of the vulnerable groups is deteriorating. In addition, it is thought that with the spiralling rates of casualisation the situation of more than a quarter of the population is now extremely insecure.

Discrimination remains a poverty-related factor in spite of the efforts by the European institutions to eliminate it. Discrimination and poverty are multi-dimensional phenomena and call for a three-tier approach: holistic (in order to comprehend the problems), individual (in order to define the solutions) and partnership-driven (in order to implement strategies).

Vulnerable groups and access to employment

In the era of globalisation, everyone can become vulnerable. However, the situation of certain groups is even more insecure: the disabled, the long-term unemployed and immigrants face an enormous risk of exclusion.

Efforts at integrating vulnerable groups are justified for both ethical and economic reasons. In order for these efforts to succeed, it is essential to implement policies that promote access to employment.

Obtaining a job is the first stage in the holistic approach and implies access to fundamental rights, such as health or housing, education or sufficient social protection. Employment enables the risk of poverty to be prevented, on condition that it is accompanied by the appropriate pay and genuine prospects for personal and vocational development.

The strategies aimed at promoting access to employment by these vulnerable groups must take account of the complexity and multiple dimensions of the integration process and rely on measures that do not risk provoking the rejection of these groups.

These vulnerable groups frequently combine an entire range of overlapping social categories.

The groups that are most vulnerable are particularly conspicuous by their absence from existing plans, programmes and statistics, so that much more (and more detailed) information must be provided on them, especially at the local level, in order to get to know their needs better and be able to offer them the appropriate services.

Excessively targeted measures may bring about the exclusion of the most needy members of the population, while excessively strict conditions may hamper the access of a large number of people.

Lifelong learning, which is one of the prerequisites in the fight against exclusion, and access to the various services, are more difficult for those most in need of them.

It is essential for these vulnerable groups to organise themselves into associations and self-help groups in order to provide a structure for defending their interests, enable them to make their needs known and promote the strategies likely to make their integration possible.

The many different disabled, immigrant or ethnic minority associations play an important role as mouthpieces of these people and as defenders of their rights and needs, although their excessive dispersal sometimes reduces their scope for action and for representing their interests.

It is necessary to possess the strategies, information channels and skilled staff able to reach the places where these groups live since these people usually only contact the local services in emergencies or cases of extreme need.

The players involved and the role of the local and regional authorities

More and more players - whether public or private, local, regional, national or European – are involved in the planning and management of strategies to promote vulnerable groups’ access of to employment.

Even though the degree of autonomy of the regional authorities varies very considerably from one country to another, the trend is towards decentralisation of the management of proactive policies that target vulnerable groups.

The current efforts at the decentralisation of the public employment agencies and the increased autonomy granted to the local agencies are reflected in greater interaction with various local public and private organisations.

In the management of proactive policies there is often no clear borderline between national, regional and local responsibilities, which makes it more difficult to ensure the proper and efficient use of resources.

The local or regional authorities that replied to the questionnaire stated they had sole responsibility for just 25% of the measures described. For 50% of the measures, the responsibilities are shared with other authorities, and the remaining 25% are the direct responsibility of the latter. In the light of this situation, it is absolutely indispensable to develop co-ordination capacities.

In most countries and territories, there are clear deficits in the participation and co-ordination of the players involved, which may reduce the effectiveness of the measures.

Local and regional authorities play an important and constantly growing role in the development and co-ordination of policies for integrating vulnerable groups.

Within the bodies accountable to the local and regional authorities, the measures targeting disabled people or immigrants are entrusted to the social services department, while those aimed at unemployed people wishing to become self-employed are usually the responsibility of the employment or economic development department. There are still very few examples of effective collaboration between these two areas.

There is often little co-ordination, indeed there is sometimes antagonism, between the local and regional authorities’ “social” and “employment” departments, which are respectively characterised by “assistance” criteria and “economic” criteria.

It is important for arrangements to be made for beneficiaries genuinely to participate in local measures even when, as is usually the case with the unemployed., these people are not organised.

A partnership is useful to improve the quality of service, since work with disadvantaged people demands specific skills and co-ordination between different sectors This is a new competency in Europe and presupposes particular motivation.

It must be possible for the mechanisms for co-ordinating active and passive policies to be adapted to the situation and needs of the players and clients concerned by making use of responsible local partnerships, which contribute to transparency.

Territorial authorities are usually represented by the NGOs in the case of intervention measures targeting disabled people and immigrants. It would be a good thing for these organisations to have participation forums available to them for considering a wide variety of approaches for the various groups of clients.

Enterprises and the private sector in general should have a better knowledge of the social policies and fully assume their responsibilities towards society.

It is essential to intensify the dialogue and improve the understanding between enterprises and other players in each of the regions concerned, since there are many difficulties in these areas of activity at the moment.

There is also evidence of very weak trade union participation in the examples of good practices analysed.

Several elements are necessary to improve co-ordination at the local level:

- each of the players has their own sphere of responsibility as well as one they share with the other players involved.;
- agreements must be aimed at making detailed and personalised proposals that take account of all the aspects of the client’s situation and provide ongoing support;
- a “new vocational approach” that combines the traditional ideas of social well-being and employment;
- appropriate resources (funds, staff and training);
- backing by staff and budgetary policies that permit co-ordination and linkages between organisations;
- the possibility of continuous assessment;
- meeting the needs of clients, especially those who are most cut off from the job market and face more and more problems and should therefore be the focus of the department’s attention.

Active policies to promote the employment of vulnerable groups

If it is intended to give priority to vulnerable groups, corrective measures must be implemented that guarantee their access to the job market. Equal opportunities have to be combined with effective policies. To this end, account must be taken not only of the value added from the economic point of view but also the benefits for social cohesion, which involves the use of quantitative and qualitative and /or analytical indicators.

In order to promote access to social and employment measures, it is necessary to:

- avoid discrimination against men, women or vulnerable groups, especially for ethnic reasons or on account of a physical or mental disability;
- provide access to quality employment combined with sufficient pay and career prospects or the creation of a job that is not tantamount to self -exploitation;
- reconcile work and family life, with each country defining the extent of nursery and help services for dependent people;
- above all eliminate all the obstacles to looking for or creating jobs;
- reform the public services so that the arrangements proposed for monitoring insertion are adapted to the groups of clients and their situation;
- improve training policy and measures to prevent the risk of discrimination in access to jobs;
- create areas for sheltered or sponsored jobs, or social insertion companies;

It is important to find a balance between social integration measures and those aimed at integration into the world of work.

While it is true that a quality job constitutes the best protection against poverty, each group has specific needs. Temporary, poorly paid jobs do not lead to lasting integration.

Jobs should be adapted to individuals and their particular circumstances, so flexibility should also be conceived from the point of view of the workers and not only that of the employers.

A small percentage of the measures concerned (about 15% of the total) contain gender-specific components, although women are the most disadvantaged members of the three groups studied.

Quite often, a problem with the policies and measures implemented is that they are for much too short a period. Medium-term initiatives should be launched as a certain amount of time is necessary to work with these vulnerable groups in order to achieve good co-ordination of the measures and players involved.

The policies aimed at disabled people are based on measures to foster their personal development and motivation, job training and the creation of special or sheltered jobs.

In the case of disabled people, in the interests of effectiveness it is necessary to work with family members and combine proactive measures with income policies.

The measures targeting the unemployed wishing to work on their own account comprise assessment and technical support for self-employed work and direct financial assistance (credits, starting salary, etc). They usually do not take account of the wide diversity of people in this group in terms of education and training, motivation or experience and thus risk failing to reach the very low skilled or those with multiple problems.

These measures promoting self-employed work usually end as soon as the job has been created or the company set up. However, it is at this point that a really critical period begins, and much greater support should be provided to maintain and consolidate quality self-employed work.

Policies relating to immigrants and ethnic minorities mainly comprise measures for their assessment and guidance (vocational, legal, linguistic, health, etc) and job support (mediation and encouragement).

In the case of immigrants and refugees, the laws governing foreign nationals often hamper the development of political rights and the social rights deriving from employment.

The initiatives and programmes of the EU have been, and continue to be, extremely important as regards the establishment of a climate conducive to the promotion of employment for vulnerable groups and improving the co-ordination of the actors working in the same territory.

Cases of good practice with regard to disabled people

Disabled people who try to become integrated into society encounter three types of difficulty: their personal limits (disability, lack of training, etc), their family (who underestimate their skills, overprotect them, etc) and problems linked to society in general (prejudices, rejection, etc).

In most countries, disabled people are well-organised in territorial associations and federations, which are most active in the main urban centres and developed or central regions. For the most part, these organisations have been set up through the efforts of friends and relatives of the disabled.

The various associations of disabled people play a key role in mediating a positive awareness of both disabled people and the legislative framework, as well as needs with regard to training and personal support.

In most countries, these organisations have been operating for many years and are thus very well-established and enjoy considerable recognition. This enables them to speak on behalf of the disabled and represent them in negotiations and in the conclusion of agreements with the various administrative bodies and territorial authorities.

They also play an active role in the direct management of these authorities’ programmes and measures, in collaboration with various local or regional public bodies (usually their agencies or social services) and other private organisations.

Local and regional authorities have a role to play as arbitrators and promoters of access to equal opportunities by avoiding unwarranted compartmentalisation between the interests of the various groups and entities.

Among the cases of good practices mentioned in the replies to the questionnaire, the most numerous are those concerning disabled people, which can be put down to the long tradition of proactive policies in this area and to the better established structures of the associations that defend their interests.

Most of the examples mentioned are of relatively short duration, which is detrimental to continuity and to the professionalism of the social work practitioners and mediators, impedes the consolidation of the methods, procedures and structures, is an obstacle to conducting medium-term assessments, etc.

This short duration can mainly be put down to the strictly time-limited character of the resources devoted to these experiments, such as: the municipalities’ annual budgets, European programmes and initiatives, etc.

Most of the examples mentioned are directed at improving the personal and vocational situation of those concerned in order to open up access to the job market. The members of this group have little experience of access to self-employed work owing to the particular difficulties they face.

Cases of good practice involving unemployed people wishing to engage in self-employed work

If people are to work on their own account, they have to be suitable and possess specific skills, so access to self-employed work is especially complicated for those who are disadvantaged for a number of reasons in addition to being unemployed,.

The promotion of self-employment is usually the task of the administrative departments responsible for employment and economic matters, so approaches tend to be pragmatic and are often limited to carrying out administrative procedures.

There is virtually no unemployed persons’ organisation oriented towards self-employment. The decision to become self-employed is usually the result of the unemployed person’s own initiative and depends on the means available to them (skill, experience, own funds or family support) or on institutional resources available at the local level.

Since these unemployed people usually do not have their own organisation, the private players that most often participate in such experiments are the various types of employers’ organisations or training bodies.

The experiments involving unemployed people wishing to do self-employed work seem to be more numerous in the regions with fewer jobs on offer and high unemployment. In the more prosperous regions, the emphasis is more on training and help with formalities.

The average duration of these initiatives for unemployed people is less than that for the other groups studied. This reflects the generally more pragmatic nature of the processes and of the scope of these experiments.

Most of the experiments involving unemployed people that we have analysed are designed to grant or try to procure financial assistance. There are less common, but more interesting, experiments that develop the entire route to self-employment, since it is necessary to meet the concrete needs of this specific group of clients in addition to dealing with the various stages of the process.

It is necessary to promote information campaigns and good practices in connection with self-employed work in order to overcome the social barriers and the attitudes that still influence the people in charge of managing certain private or public resources, especially in the case of women wishing to become self-employed.

The training of the staff responsible for managing the local or regional services should place considerable emphasis on equal opportunities so that women wishing to undertake self-employed work can receive support and funding, and should embrace new prospects and prevent the measures taken in this area from aggravating gender discrimination.

Cases of good practice involving immigrants and ethnic minorities

The cases of good practices involving immigrants and ethnic minorities are the least numerous of those mentioned in the replies to the questionnaire. This can be put down to the very wide variety of causes and situations in the territories concerned.

To begin with, certain countries do not define special measures for these groups, do not see the need to take positive measures, consider they do not need special policies or either think they are only a very low percentage of the population or a very recent phenomenon.

The group of Roma/Gypsies differs from the others. They are present in a number of southern and eastern European countries. The group of refugees and political asylum-seekers poses a difficult problem owing to the insecure and provisional nature of the situation of these people on the one hand and the lack of local and regional authority resources on the other.

By contrast, the more prosperous countries, such as the Scandinavian states, which take in immigrants in search or work, implement specific policies and measures promoting their socio-vocational integration.

Owing to the chronic lack of local authority resources, most measures are entrusted to representatives of the non-governmental organisations.

The standards applied to these social groups in the countries studied differ considerably, which makes any attempt to establish equal opportunities in the various regions difficult. From this perspective, the organisations that act as intermediaries occupy a key position.

Their situation of extreme poverty due to the lack of social protection and the large number of conditions to meet in order to obtain the nationality of the country concerned makes the members of these groups disposed to accept jobs that take less heed of the regulations and flout normal hiring practices.

It is therefore essential to establish measures to strengthen the position of these people with rights under the law, restore their confidence and give them back the dignity they often think they have lost.

Local and regional authorities can play an important role here and open up paths to integration by both facilitating access to the social services and making the public aware of the need to conduct stricter checks on illegal work itself rather than on the workers who do it.

Proactive policies to assist immigrants and ethnic minorities are usually implemented and co-ordinated by the local and regional authorities’ employment or social services departments. This concerns the local authorities in particular because the multiplicity of groups and situations involved requires an approach very close to the citizen.

This is one of the groups whose integration requires a very wide range of measures as well as highly specialised resources that take account of their cultural differences, problems of rejection by society and difficulties in accessing basic social services.

There are a number of immigrant and ethnic minority associations whose task is to promote the personal, educational, cultural and vocational development of these groups. They collaborate with public authorities and sometimes play a meaningful role.

Since the processes involved in integrating immigrants and ethnic minorities are lengthy and complex, the good practices mentioned in the replies are of fairly short duration and exceed three years in barely 24% of cases.

Improvements in the personal situation, guidance and training of beneficiaries are mentioned most frequently by western European countries. Owing to the particular difficulties these groups encounter, self-employment is less common and thus only applies to a few isolated cases, which are evidence of a greater degree of integration.

In addition to their direct impact on clients in each of the concrete examples, these experiments always generate synergy and have a stimulating effect on the various players involved and their family and friends. They are models that help to improve the methods employed and show that the economic and social integration of disadvantaged people is not only possible but also makes social and economic sense.

Assessment and transparency

Monitoring and assessment are essential in order to take stock and improve processes. Monitoring is a strategy that makes it possible to view the processes and mobilise the players involved through active partnerships, limit any political gains from the assessment and introduce effective and transparent co-ordination and consultation mechanisms.

The information we received revealed that, as a rule, only a very limited assessment is made of the various policies and measures. Overall, the situation of the vulnerable groups has not improved. It would seem that the current decentralisation process is worsening the imbalance within the various states more than between them.

The socio-vocational insertion of these groups may lead them to accept insecure jobs that are of doubtful quality or even downright illegal. The assessment of the programmes and policies should take account of and carefully examine the quality of jobs and self-employed work and not just be limited to quantitative data.

Political considerations often come into play concerning assessment, selection of criteria, objectives and indicators. However, independence is vitally important as the choices may be highly political and predetermine the conclusions of an assessment.

The elected representatives responsible for programmes or the bodies that finance them tend to demand concrete results that justify their initiatives. A closed, pragmatic assessment is therefore carried out that seems to take the place of the political decisions.

There are also methodological and limiting factors: as the insertion programmes are so complex and depend on so many parameters, it is extremely difficult when assessing them to isolate concrete aspects and results and measure them separately. The assessment must reflect this complexity in the entire approach, the methods employed and the results.

Although the replies to the questionnaire supply little information on the assessment, the recommendations of the Toledo Conference¹³ make it possible to define the following parameters for “good practices” when carrying out assessments:

- sufficient duration: this has an effect on the methods and quality of the results. Assessments must be carried out at various times and throughout the process: feedback from the results, dual character, analysis of the long-term effects;
- participation and inclusion: the subjects of the assessment should play an active part in the process; the choice of indicators should be the result of a participatory and negotiated process;
- diversity and complementarity: given the growing range of inclusion programmes, the assessment must employ various methods and approaches, both combined and complementary (quantitative and qualitative information, macro- and micro-level, preventive and palliative measures, etc);
- comparability: it would be desirable for the methods and results to be comparable from one country to the other. The European institutions could contribute to providing statistics and indices that enable joint comparisons and assessments to be made.

RECOMMENDATIONS

A number of proposals emerge from the principal conclusions of this study that we could formulate as general recommendations to the various players and decision-makers involved in the process of promoting employment for these vulnerable groups at the European, national, regional and local levels.

European institutions and programmes

European institutions and bodies play a decisive role in the establishment of a climate conducive to promoting the integration of vulnerable groups and improving co-ordination between the players involved.

Here are a number of general recommendations to the European authorities:
Ø promote initiatives that specifically target the most vulnerable groups (disabled people, long-term unemployed wishing to become self-employed, immigrants and ethnic minorities);
Ø support local and regional authorities or private organisations, because it is they who are usually most in need of financial help;
Ø provide financial aid over periods likely to guarantee a certain amount of stability (for programmes, campaigns, staffing, etc) and promote long-term planning;
Ø promote the participation and co-ordination of the various local and regional players;
Ø strengthen the role of the players involved on the ground, including by promoting organisations that deal with vulnerable groups (disabled people, long-term unemployed wishing to become self-employed, immigrants and ethnic minorities);
Ø continue to promote the dissemination of good practices among the various countries and regions to ensure the transfer of experience;
Ø promote the training of practitioners and mediators involved in activities with these vulnerable groups;
Ø promote the monitoring and assessment of programmes and policies.

National governments

National authorities and bodies play an important role in the indispensable co-ordination of welfare and employment policies and in liaising with regional and local authorities and bodies.

The following ideas could serve as general recommendations to national authorities:
Ø establish an appropriate and balanced legal framework for the various territories;
Ø harmonise welfare and employment policies;
Ø provide appropriate resources beyond the short term;
Ø avoid excessively complex measures and try to define the range of innovations likely to help vulnerable groups access employment ;
Ø opt for an approach that integrates social and economic aspects: social insertion means proper living and working conditions, as well as good-quality employment;
Ø promote reasonably flexible measures so that each of these groups can adapt to the requirements and programmes at the different stages of life, which do not always correspond to the organisations’ schedules and objectives;
Ø ensure that assessments become a precondition for obtaining any type of funding;
Ø develop quality standards and assessment models;
Ø establish systems that permit the bottom up dissemination of information.

Regional authorities

Regional authorities are the intermediate tier of territorial representation and, in accordance with extremely diverse political models, the interface between the national and local dimensions.

Here are a few key ideas that could form the basis of general recommendations to regional authorities:
Ø eliminate legislative texts that hamper vertical liaison and co-ordination;
Ø support integration initiatives that target the most vulnerable groups (disabled people, long-term unemployed people wishing to become self-employed, immigrants and ethnic minorities);
Ø promote strategies and measures that prevent territorial imbalances, and clearly define local political responsibilities;
Ø ensure local services are provided with an inflow of sufficient resources to enable them to plan and enter into long-term commitments;
Ø promote and support the process of co- ordination between the players involved;
Ø define the professional profile of staff working to promote the social insertion of disabled people, long-term unemployed wishing to become self-employed, immigrants and members of ethnic minorities;
Ø promote the training of cultural mediators responsible for liaising between administrative authorities, organisations and clients;
Ø establish and promote mechanisms permitting the bottom-up dissemination of information;
Ø promote awareness campaigns, mobilisation campaigns and equal opportunities campaigns;
Ø set up independent observatories tasked with overseeing the proper implementation of measures;
Ø devise and apply quality standards and assessment models to be introduced as preconditions for obtaining any type of funding.

Local authorities

The degree of autonomy enjoyed by the local authorities no doubt varies considerably from one country to another, but it is possible to observe a growing tendency to transfer the management of active policies for vulnerable groups to the local level.

Here are a few key ideas that could form the basis of general recommendations to the local authorities:

Ø improve their knowledge about these vulnerable groups and devise measures appropriate to their needs;
Ø promote and obtain the social commitment of all the players: participation is a key instrument of territorial liaison;
Ø act as arbitrators and mediators of equal opportunities and promote dialogue and understanding between the various groups and organisations;
Ø make use of joint machinery for planning, objective-setting and carrying out activities ;
Ø support the defence of human rights, both at the local level and in the problem areas in which the expulsion of the population is being advocated for political and economic reasons;
Ø inform national and regional authorities about the requirements and needs of the vulnerable groups and their organisations;
Ø support initiatives targeting the most vulnerable groups and promote their participation and that of their organisations;
Ø promote mechanisms tailored to the vulnerable groups in order to facilitate their access to employment, taking due account of their particular circumstances;
Ø promote and support the development of associations of vulnerable groups, especially people less inclined to organise themselves;
Ø facilitate access to concrete measures and programmes by improving the means of publicising activities and simplifying requirements and procedures;
Ø establish monitoring and assessment mechanisms oriented towards general objectives and not specifically towards the organisations concerned;
Ø develop transparency and assessment instruments that involve client participation;
Ø disseminate and exchange positive experiences.

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² Research programme on the work of the EuroCouncil. See Watt, Guide to Good Assessment Practices, 1999, and the results of the project “Integrated approaches with regard to active social assistance and employment policies”, European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, Dublin, 2000.

³ These four cetegories should not oversimplify reality but enable an assessment to be made of the situations so as to facilitate the interpretation of the information gathered.

⁴ It is possible that the person who filled in the questionnaire chose this option for the sake of convenience or because the complexity of the data available did not permit a concise reply to be given. Be that as it may, it is impossible within the context of this study to verify the sources mentioned.

⁵ Agencies that apply a specific measure, as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with disabled people.

⁶ Agencies that apply a specific measure, as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with disabled people.

⁷ Agencies that apply a specific measure as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with disabled people.

⁸ Agencies that apply a specific measure as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with unemployed

⁹ Agencies that apply a specific measure, as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with unemployed people wishing to do self-employed work.

¹⁰ Agencies that apply a specific measure, as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with immigrants and ethnic minorities.

¹¹ Agencies that apply a specific measure, as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with immigrants and ethnic minorities.

¹² Agencies that apply a specific measure, as a percentage of the total number of responses concerning work with immigrants and ethnic minorities

¹³ GAVIRA, L. & GONZÁLEZ, F. “Employment and labour market insertion strategies as a tool for social inclusion”, International Conference, Toledo, 2002, consolidated document and conclusions, European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, Dublin.