The Roma people are one of the oldest ethnic minorities in Latvia, and have been an integral part of Latvia’s cultural diversity since the 16th century. The Roma community in Latvia is relatively small. According to data from the population register of the Office for Citizenship and Migration Affairs there were 7,456 Roma living in Latvia as at 1 January 2017, comprising 0.3% of the total population.

Number of Roma people in Latvia registered by the Office for Citizenship and Migration Affairs:

But in the accordance to the Central Statistical Bureau in 2016 there were 5,297 Roma people permanently residing in Latvia. It should be noted that officially available statistical data reflect only those Roma who have indicated to be of Roma ethnicity. The last large scale survey „Roma in Latvia” data show that almost half of the interviewed Roma (49,3%) answered negative about their ethnicity record in the passport, while 12,9% admitted that another nationality is stated, and only 36,5% recognized themselves as Roma in the passport.

Of all the Roma that are registered officially, 94,4% are Latvian citizens, and of these approximately 70% speak Latvian. A large majority of Roma regard the Romani language as their native tongue.

Over the last century Latvia’s Roma have mainly lived a settled way of life and are not characterized by extensive travel and wide-spread migration. Based on the available data the majority of Roma live in the large towns (see below):

In Latvia there is no so-called ghettoisation of the Roma community or segregation at the regional or local level; the Roma have formed a territorially heterogeneous group that communicates actively with the local community. Two different groups of Roma have lived in Latvia since ancient times: the Latvian Roma (Loftitke Roma) and the Russian Roma (Xaladytka Roma), whose differences manifest themselves territorially, linguistically, culturally and in their traditional way of life. In everyday communication most (87,5%) of the Roma families use the Romanes (rest: Latvian and Russian).

Roma Integration Policy

In 2011 Latvian state has developed a set of national Roma integration policy measures[1] (hereinafter – measures), which have been included in the National identity, civil society and integration policy guidelines 2012 - 2018. Current measures of Roma integration policy are reflected in the implementation plan of the National identity, civil society and integration policy guidelines for the period up to 2016.

Experts and representatives from the responsible state bodies and local authorities, as well as representatives from the Roma community were involved in the process of designing, implementation and evaluation of the Roma integration policy measures by the participation in the Council supervising the implementation of Roma integration policy measures (hereinafter – the Council). The Council is set up by the Ministry of Culture in 2012. The main aim of the Council is to assess and foster the policy for Roma integration, as well as to promote civil participation of the Roma community and to strengthen cooperation between the Roma community and national authorities. The Ministry of Culture as a responsible Governmental body for the coordination of implementation Roma integration policy, actively uses the Council as a platform to analyse and discuss the results of the Roma integration policy implementation, to present and share initiatives and challenges for development of Roma integration, to plan future policy measures. Since the Council was established in 2012, 6 Roma representatives, who are involved in the Council, had an active participation and made many proposals and suggestions to improve Roma integration policy at national level. 

The Network of regional experts on Roma integration issues (thereafter – the Network) is set in October 2014 by The Ministry of Culture. The main aim of the Network is to foster regular exchange of best practices, experience and sharing information, providing consultations and informative support to the local government in order to use the programs of national and EU structure funds effectively as well as to develop cooperation between experts of local governments, representatives of Roma communities and the Ministry of Culture in order to make the implementation and designing of the Roma integration policy measures more effective.

Roma representatives are members also of such governmental consultative bodies: The Minorities Consulting Council of the President of the Republic of Latvia, The Consulting Council in Ethnic Minority Education Affairs of the Ministry of Education and Science, The Consultative Council of National minorities of the Ministry of Culture. As well representatives of Roma community are the members of several committees of municipalities at local level (Jelgava, Valmiera, Daugavpils).

The survey “Roma in Latvia” is conducted in 2015 aimed at the monitoring the situation of Roma in Latvia in the key areas - access to education, employment, healthcare and housing, identifying best practises and providing better elaboration and implementation of Roma inclusion policy in Latvia.^[2] The study reveals that the Roma are to be considered a population group of risk-at-poverty. A considerable part of Roma households experience financial scarcity – the monthly income of more than one third (35,6%) of the interviewed does not exceed EUR 60 per household member; and less than one third (9,4%) has accruals of over €250 for covering unplanned expenses (e.g. medicine, operations); the status of low income or needy people is officially granted to more than half (53,7%) of the interviewed.

In general the Roma are informed where to seek assistance in everyday life situations related to education, employment, health care and housing. They are well-aware concerning everyday life situations, but there is comparatively low awareness about activities the implementation of which requires self-initiative or commitment.

Education as priority area of Roma integration

Results education level of almost half of the Roma (48,8%) does not meet the Ministry of Education and Science requirement of compulsory primary education. Due to this reason education is the national priority of Roma integration policy. The policy is focused on providing early-education, primary and secondary education to Roma and to motivate Roma parents to send their children in the school and to follow their achievement in the process of education.

Figure 1. Number of Roma in Latvia and Roma pupils in mainstream educational institutions

Source: The Ministry of Culture, 2016

Though the situation of Roma education has slightly improved during the last ten year period, the comparatively low education level among Roma population still one of the basic problems for Roma social economic integration in Latvian society – 8,9% of the interviewed Roma have never attended school, 39,9% left primary school at different stages (among them almost one third (31,3%) before reaching form 7), one third (34%) have primary education, while only 17,2% have higher than primary education.

According to the data of the Ministry of Education and Science[3] the number of educational institutions, where Roma pupils are learning, has risen (20% of the total number of educational institutions; in 2014 there were 16%). Significantly reduced the number of Roma students who had not obtained the compulsory primary education - 2015/2016 year 7.5% of the total number of Roma pupils had not obtained the compulsory primary education; in 2014 there were 15%. At the moment only 4 Roma teacher assistants worked in general education institutions. 21,5% of the total number of Roma students are provided with additional training measures (in 2014 - 26,4%). Number of Roma pupils in education and general secondary education institutions remains the same as that in previous years (3.6% of the total number of Roma pupils in 2015/2016).

Ministry of Education and Science monitoring data show that 15,9% of Roma children are early school leavers and 250 children at school are in forms which are not appropriate to their age. Most of early school leavers are of the age 13-14 years when Roma adolescents choose to start a family and leave school.

Figure 2.Number of Roma pupils in mainstream educational system

Source: The Ministry of Education and Science, 2016

Above mentioned study reveals the positive role of Roma teacher-assistants (as well as Roma mediators) especially in the pre-school and primary school period.

The most significant achievement in last three years is the project “Integration incubator to support Roma children and youth” where mediators with Roma background are trained and employed in the resource centres for Roma children and their parents. The project is implemented by the NGO “Center for Education Initiatives” in cooperation with municipalities of Daugavpils City, Jelgava city, Valmiera city, Valdermarpils city and Ventspils city. There are 4 Resource centres established for Roma children and young people in October 2014, where Roma children can get support and improve their communication and civic skills. The main actors of the Resource centres are Roma mediators which promote the bridge and link between Roma community and local government institutions (especially educational institutions).  There are 5 Roma mediators worked in these centres.

Labour market

The Roma people do not have equal opportunities to integrate into the labour market due to their low-level education, which practically not only excludes more than two thirds of Latvian Roma from the labour market but also limits their access to the employment promotion support measures as only those unemployed persons qualify for the professional development courses and courses for developing skills offered by the SEA who have completed the seventh grade education programme.

32,4% of economically active Roma declared they were employed, which means that in comparison with 2003 when according to researchers only 10% were employed, the situation has improved. But the Roma have limited opportunities to be employed – the survey results show that in 40,5% households there is no legally working family member and the family mainly lives on social benefits and other financial aid.

Figure 3. Statistical portrait of unemployed Roma (31.12.2016.)

Source: State Employment Agency, 2016.

Health

Regarding to the Roma health, the results of the survey shows that 98,2% of the surveyed Roma have their own family doctor and that during the last year, 87,8% of respondents have visited their family doctor in connection with their health problems or those of their children (almost half of them or 47,5% have done it in the last month).

Housing

In accordance to the outcomes of the study, average of 75%-80 % of Roma families that live in Latvia encounter difficulties in the availability of housing and its quality provision. Low and irregular employment and insufficient income along with the absence of savings reduce Roma possibilities not only to rent or acquire housing but also cause difficulties in the maintenance of housing and deny them the possibility to enjoy the needed and desired living conditions in the chosen housing.

Some municipalities with significant number of Roma population provide support for social housing for socially disadvantaged Roma families. Roma make an active use of the assistance the municipalities and NGOs provide in housing area. The most frequently used possibility is to receive from the municipality an housing benefit – in the last three years more than half of the surveyed persons (53,7%) have received it.

Historical presence

At the beginning of the 19^th century with the incorporation of Georgia into the Russian Empire, small bands of Romani traders began moving into the vast territory of the Russian Empire trading small wares, goods, and horses, whilst Romani women were often acting as fortune tellers. Most likely, Roma at this time were largely nomadic in nature. Another wave of migration consisted of migrants from WWI period from the Ottoman Empire.

A large influx of Roma into Georgia began in the 1930s due to the so-called Great Famine from 1932-1933 in large parts of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Roma from these regions moved in massive groups to the south, either on foot or by train, and began dispersing across Georgia from the Black Sea coast inward. The exact number of Roma from this migration wave is unknown, but early Soviet census data recorded a significant increase from 70 self-declared « Tsyganye » (Roma) in 1926 to 727 in 1939. The advance of the German army into the southern regions of the Soviet Union during World War II also forced many Roma to flee the invasion and seek refuge in Georgia. Their number rose to 1,024 in the 1959 population census.

Conflicts in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union provoked other migration waves and have left many Roma unprotected. At present, there is a temporary migration in Georgia from Azerbaijan, Turkey and other neighbouring countries which is essentially socio-economic but might also include human trafficking elements linked to beggars, street children and prostitution.

Size and geographical distribution of the Roma, Dom and Lom population

Georgia is the only country in the region, together with Turkey, to have Roma, Dom and Lom communities living on its territory. Prior to the thematic visit, the Council of Europe estimated the number of Roma (in its general sense, comprising Roma, Lom and Dom communities) was between 1,500 and 2,500 persons, i.e. approximately 0.04% of the total population. Following the thematic visit and taking into account Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov’s research, the total Roma population (Dom and Lom included) is estimated at 4,500, or 0.12% of the total population.

Except if other sources are specified, the information below about Roma, Dom and Lom in Georgia are extracts from Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov’s research published in 2014 ‘The Gypsies (Dom – Lom – Rom) in Georgia’.

Lom (Bosha)

At the population census Lom (Bosha) declare themselves as ‘Armenians’, so there is no official data on their numbers. According to Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov’s research the estimated number of Lom (Bosha) in Georgia is around 2,000. Bosha in Georgia are descendants of refugees from the region of Erzurum (today in Turkey) after the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-29, when about 50,000 Armenians re-settled within the Russian Empire, in the region Javakhk. Part of these re-settlers were obviously Bosha, who in conditions of the Ottoman Empire lived together with local Armenians and shared their fate. As descendants of refugees from Eastern Anatolia, Bosha in Georgia speak the Western dialect of the Armenian language. It is different from literary Armenian language, which is based on Eastern Armenian dialects. It is difficult to determine whether they speak their own language or it is only one dialect of the Armenian language, with large number of ‘own’ words.

The identity of Bosha in Georgia is complicated and multidimensional. They not only always publicly declare but really perceive themselves as part of Armenian national minority, by analogy with neighbouring Armenia, where they are considered ‘subethnos’ or ‘ethnographic group’ in the composition of the Armenian nation. On the other hand, both in Armenia and in Georgia, they always set themselves a little apart from other Armenians. In fact, their identity exists on two levels, national (Armenian) and community (Lomavtic), and which of them will be leading depends on the specific situational context. The unique aspect in this is that the Armenians accept them as part of their nation. This can be explained through long shared historical experience and contemporary socio-political circumstances. They have been living side by side with Armenians perhaps more than a millennium; in the Ottoman Empire, where religion and ethnicity mix and overlap, they were part of the Armenian millet. Escalating ethnic tensions throughout Transcaucasia have forged a strong sense of national unity, leading to efforts to mitigate internal ethnic and religious conflicts, including among the Bosha in Armenia and in Georgia.

In Georgia Bosha live mainly in the cities of Akhalkalaki and Akhaltskha, as well as in the cities of Tsalka, Shulaveri and Marneuli, in some villages in Ninotsminda municipality, and individual families resettled in cities of Tbilisi, Kutaisi and Gori. The community is most numerous in Akhalkalaki, which is centre of the historical region Samtskhe-Javakheti, where about 100 families live in the so-called “Bosha Mayla” (Bosha neighbourhood), located near the market.

Bosha in the past were leather sieves makers. Currently their main occupation is petty and itinerant trade. They travel across their region and within Georgia, buy agricultural production from peasants and goods from major markets, and re-sell them locally. Few of them maintain their own workshops on the markets for the production of tin products (including modernized version of the traditional sieves), leather hats, shoes, etc. Recently, after the introduction of visa-free regime with Turkey, some travel to Turkish markets too, where they are buying goods for mass consumption, which they re-sell in Georgia and also in Armenian town of Gyumri, and in the capital Yerevan.

The living conditions of Bosha are not different from their surrounding population (ethnic Armenians and Georgians). Their overall standard of living is even relatively good for Georgia, which is one of the poorest countries in the post-Soviet space.

Roma

In October 2013, the CAHROM member on behalf of Georgia had indicated that an estimated 750 to 1,120 Roma were living in seven settlements across Georgia (Abkhazia included, see below) following a research conducted in 2010^[4]. Romani settlements are scattered across Georgia. In Tbilisi, where the largest community can be found, approximately 250-300 people live in rented apartments and homes. In Georgia’s eastern region of Kakheti, the Roma community consists of around 100-120 people living in typical rural homes that they own themselves. These people mostly carry Ukrainian family names and claim to have Ukrainian roots and ties with other Romani communities with Ukrainian last names in eastern Georgia. Next, a group of some 100 Roma claiming Russian ancestry lives in the Black Sea coastal town in Autonomous Republic of Ajara. These Roma claim that their relatives migrated to Kobuleti from Krasnodar Krai during WWII. In Kutaisi, a group of roughly 100 Roma lives compactly in Soviet-style apartments in the Avangard district. Finally, in Sukhumi, the capital of the de facto separatist Republic of Abkhazia, roughly 500 Roma live in private apartments and houses in a district to the north of the centre of the city.

Georgia turns out to be one of the few countries in Europe which do not actually host ‘own’ Roma. Probably the first Roma entered Georgia back in the nineteenth century in the times of the Russian Empire, but the first real migration began in the 20s of the twentieth century, followed by new waves during and after WWII. The number of Roma in Georgia is fluctuating due to socio-economic cross-border migration. However, according to Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov’s research the maximum estimated number of Roma in Georgia is 2,000.

The population census of Georgia in 2002 reported 472 people self-declared as ‘Roma’. There is a clear decline in their numbers compared to the 1989 census, which counted 1,774 Tsygane (‘Gypsies’). The official numbers can be questioned but the tendency of reducing the number of Roma after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of Georgia as an independent state in 1991 is doubtless. The main reason for this is the situation in Georgia after the declaration of independence – civil war in the first half of the ‘90s, and armed conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

In the wake of the country’s nationalist mobilization, militias swept through most of the small Roma settlements in the early 1990s, razing houses to the ground and seizing property of Roma who had been so far peacefully living with their Georgian neighbours. In these conditions, combined with a severe economic crisis and plummeting standard of living, the majority of Roma from Georgia managed to emigrate to the Russian Federation and only some families returned back after normalization of the situation in Georgia, but were unable to return to their previous settlements. They, along with Roma who in spite of turbulences and harassments remained in Georgia, settled in different places, sometimes in houses that remain empty after repatriation of Russians. In Abkhazia almost all Roma living there left the area after the war from 1992-93 and declaration of independence in 1994. Most of them emigrated to Russia too and now live mainly in Tbilisi (Samgori district) and recently some of them return to Sukhumi.

Internal division of the Roma community in Georgia includes two main groups living also in the Russian Federation and Ukraine - Vlaxi and Krimurya (called also Krymi). Territorial demarcation between them is clearly expressed. Krimurya live in West Georgia, in Kutaisi, Batumi and Sukhumi. Vlaxi are living in Eastern Georgia, in Gachiani (together with some families of Plashchuny), Leninovka (Choeti) and in Telavi. The contact area between the two main groups now is the capital

Tbilisi, where (mainly in Samgori district) live in rented homes as well as Krimurja from Kutaisi as Vlaxi from Leninovka. In past, at the time of the USSR in Georgia lived also representatives of other Roma groups – Ruska Roma, Servi, Kishinyovtsi, and at least temporarily Kelderari. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, all of them have emigrated in the Russian Federation and Ukraine. Mixed marriages between members of different Roma groups are relatively few, more among Vlaxi with Plashchuni. The reasons are partly the group endogamy, also the territorial separation and different religions (Vlaxi are Orthodox Christians and Krimurya are Muslims). In both groups the “Gypsy court” (called syndo among Vlaxi and davija among Krimurya) ceased to function since at least two decades, because, according to our informants, the lack of adult respectable men (due high mortality of men, e.g. among Vlaxi is only one men in whole community, who is 50 years old, all others are much younger) and impossibility to invite respectable men from the Russian Federation and Ukraine.

Mixed marriages between members of different Roma groups are relatively few, more among Vlaxi with Plashchuni. The reasons are partly the group endogamy, also the territorial separation and different religions (Vlaxi are Orthodox Christians and Krimurya are Muslims). In both groups the “Gypsy court” (called syndo among Vlaxi and davija among Krimurya) ceased to function since at least two decades, because, according to our informants, the lack of adult respectable men (due high mortality of men, e.g. among Vlaxi is only one men in whole community, who is 50 years old, all others are much younger) and impossibility to invite respectable men from Russia and Ukraine.

The links between Georgian Roma and their closer or more distant relatives were terminated as a result of country isolation and low living standards. The trans-border in-group marriages are currently non-existent, and now Roma in Georgia exist as small communities, in practice almost entirely isolated within national borders.

Formally, all Roma living in Georgia have the right (and should) get Georgian citizenship and the personal documents (including passport for travels abroad), but in practice they face a number of difficulties in this bureaucratic procedure, because most of them have not enough social literacy, do not know written Georgian language necessary for filling the required documents. This leads to number of other problems, such as impossibility to obtain pensions, child and social welfare, access to medical care and education, etc. Lack of international passport do not allow majority of Roma to seek alternative livelihoods through temporary or permanent migration. In recent years, however, some members of the Vlaxi community succeeded to obtain documents and are making short term travels for trade to Azerbaijan, which radically improve their household economies and prospects for future.

In general, in today's independent Georgia the financial and economic situation is heavy, but more severe it is for Roma. In Soviet times most of them, as well as throughout the entire USSR, worked, albeit irregularly, but instead developed a very successful small trading, according to the rules then classified as “speculation”, that allowed them to maintain relatively good standard of living. After the changes, the situation has radically changed and Roma not only lost their regular jobs, but more importantly, in a free market economy they were driven out by the surrounding population from their main economic niches. Some of them still live off the retail trade, in spite of huge competition and their traditional occupations (mostly mobile blacksmithing) are no longer suitable to the modern era. The majority of women (especially from Krimurya) keep trying to feed their families with fortune-telling on the streets of major cities. In fact, however, the main occupation of all Roma today is already begging (usually done by women, accompanied by their small children).

Under these conditions it is obvious, that the educational level of the Roma in Georgia is at a very low level. During the decades after the changes has grown up a new generation that is with low literacy or completely illiterate, and the older generation, educated in socialist times display quite a low functional literacy (most of them Roma were taught in past in Russian schools and have no literacy skills in Georgian). So Georgia turns out to become a country where there is no de facto educated Roma elite, something absolutely not typical for countries of former communist zone.

In 2014 in Georgia there were two official registered Roma organisations - Kahetiyan Gypsy organisation “Roma” and Adjarian Gypsy organisation “Roma”, both led by non-Roma women, married with Roma. Both organisations however have no regular income and activities. With the help of evangelical mission Light for the People from Sweden was established a Roma church in Kobuleti, with a Roma pastor, but its overall activity is limited and highly controversial.

Dom (Garachi)

Historical evidences about them are extremely scarce and fragmented and the same is true about their current situation. According to information provided in Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov’s research, Dom in Georgia could be estimated at around 500.

Their presence and attempts to settle permanently in Georgia began as soon as after the collapse of the former Soviet Union and over the past ten years, they are more intense. Dom, who live in Kutaisi, coming from Azerbaijan settled initially in Batumi, but were driven out by local authorities and moved to Kutaisi, where at the beginning more than three years they lived in shacks without water and electricity. In 2014 circa 100 Dom in Kutaisi were living in abandoned half-ruined houses in the neighbourhood Avanguard, and several families in the nearby city of Samtredia. Dom, who live now in Tbilisi are about 30-40 families in total about 200 people, but this number is not constant, as some families live here seasonally or in certain intervals. Some of them had lived (and some continue to live until now) in abandoned wagons of the urban railway station and gradually many of them are moving to rented flats. Dom, who live in Georgia (as said mainly in the capital Tbilisi and in Kutaisi, the second largest city in the country) are citizens of Azerbaijan, majority of them have permanent domicile there in cities Gazakh and Aghstafa, and surrounding villages.

Dom are migrating from Azerbaijan to Georgia, where the standard of living is much lower, but it is due to the geographical proximity and convenient transport links, whereas the larger cities in Azerbaijan are much farther away. The main, and virtually sole, Dom’s occupation in Georgia is begging for women, often with infants in arms, together with small girls and boys. Rarely beg also elderly women and men (usually men are with bogus or real signs of disability). Usually they have certain “own” places for begging, in city centre and major junctions (then they beg from passing cars), and urban markets. They have no serious problems with police. This gives reasons to the local population, including the media, to talk about “mafia of beggars”, that corrupts local authorities. Widespread are many public stereotypes typical also of Roma beggars in Europe: about intentionally breaking arms and legs of children, and their exploitation by rich “bosses”. Local population in Georgia (including Roma in Tbilisi and Kutaisi) are convinced that they all are Kurds. The Dom in Georgia usually also say in the public that they are Kurds; and their main language is Kurdish, with many preserved old ‘own’ words and phrases. Within their community their identity is of ‘Dom’, and they are distancing themselves from the Kurds, including in language and their self-identity is Kurdi domlar (Kurdish Dom). Since in the Transcaucasia generally everybody believes that the Kurds are Yazidis, and both designation are overlapping, so in the cases when the Dom want to distinguish themselves from the Kurds they underline, that they are real Muslims and not Yazidis. They are unable to distinguish between Shia and Sunni branch of Islam, and in order to prove that they are real Muslim, they stress that they go regularly into the mosque, observe Ramadan, celebrate Kurban Bayram (Eid) and other holidays, which they consider important for Muslims, such as Navruz and Hıdırlez.

The Dom living in Tbilisi and Kutaisi have relatives not only in Azerbaijan but also in the Russian Federation, even individual families in Central Asia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the opening of borders parts of them went repeatedly to beg in Turkey, where they succeed to establish links with local Domlar (e.g. in Diyarbakir). They see Turkish Domlar as a separate part of their community which is divided from national borders, and consider marriages between Dom people living in Azerbaijan and Turkey not only eligible but even welcomed (as opposed to marriage with representatives of other communities).

Migrations of Dom to Georgia that could be defined as a specific form of cross-border labour mobility are only part of their movement in the whole post-Soviet space. Some of them were in the Russian Federation – Moscow, St. Petersburg, Krasnodar, Grozny (the capital of Chechnya) and other major cities (primarily in southern Russia). Some even go to beg in Eastern Turkey, as said, but encounter there strong competition from local Domlar. We cannot speak about an overall life strategy of Dom aimed at resettlement to Georgia, which is accompanied by many legal problems, but there are already visible signs that at least part of them intent to settle permanently in Tbilisi and Kutaisi, even already some of the weddings in the community are conducted in their new residences.

Challenges

The Romani community is the most marginalized ethnic community in Georgia.

The fate of the ‘Dom’ and ‘Roma’ in Georgia reflect the post-soviet realities in the region and is situated between two extremes – emigration and labour mobility on one side, and on the other isolation, gradually crowding in the social periphery and marginalization, which can reach unexpected dimensions. Against this backdrop stands the unique case of the ‘Lom’, who in result of historical fate and contemporary development of the region intensified feelings of national unity and integration with Armenian minority. The relations between the three divisions ‘Dom – Lom – Rom’, whom the surrounding society in Georgia designated collectively as ‘Gypsies’ (using Russian designation Tsygane) are virtually non-existent. In practice, representatives of different communities are not able to communicate directly, because they live in different places, and in fact the only contact zones are the capital Tbilisi and Kutaisi (and only between ‘Rom’ and ‘Dom’). Even in these conditions they avoid each other and they sharply set themselves apart from each other. Interestingly the surrounding population has a dual attitude towards them, they doesn’t consider ‘Dom’ and ‘Lom’ to be ‘Gypsies’, but interconnect them. ‘Dom’ and ‘Lom’ from their side, often without being asked, are hurry to refuse to identify themselves as ‘Gypsies’ at all. As reasons for the distinction they indicate different mother tongues, different religions (‘Lom’ belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church, ‘Rom’ are Orthodox Christians and Muslims, ‘Dom’ are Muslims), and some cultural characteristics. Even proposals for inclusion in projects targeting Roma coming from the NGOs which offer respective financial support has so far been firmly rejected by the representatives of the ‘Lom’ and ‘Dom’ (BTW similarly the ‘Dom’ refused also the attempts of Kurdish NGO’s to be included in their projects). So, at least at this stage, the construction of any kind of unity or achievement of at least some form of co-operation between the three communities seems impossible.^[5]

The above mentioned migration flows are some of the reasons explaining the lack of identity documents among Roma in Georgia which is a serious obstacle to access any public services, including education. This starts the typical vicious circle: lack of education results in no employment, bad health and poor housing situation and grooving impoverishment among the Roma community. The result is the presence of many children in street situation: a 2009 study revealed the number of 1,049 children living/working in the streets of Tbilisi and other cities in 2007. The Georgian Government is aware that many children are living and working in the street. Due to their vulnerable situation, there is high risk for them to become victims of organised crime. Authorities are trying to strengthen the co-operation between the children’s shelter mobile groups and the supervising mobile groups for timely detection and investigation of the alleged crimes^[6]. To the end of 2015 there were 634 children in street situation and a majority of them had no identity papers. Moreover, the problem of domestic violence is unreported (and denied by community members) even though it influences not only the situation of women but also of children. The abusers are not only husbands but also other family members, including parents.

The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences in Georgia puts Roma women in Georgia, alongside women from other minorities (Azeri, Armenian, Ossetian, Kist, and Yazidi) among the groups at risk: they are not only discriminated against because of their gender; their minority status also increases their vulnerability to specific forms of violence. Gender stereotypes and gender-specific roles within the family and in society are still prevalent in those communities. Child marriage and, consequently, early pregnancy, high dropout rate from school and domestic violence tend to be more prevalent in minority groups, particularly in rural areas^[7].

The phenomenon of child marriages among Roma communities is common, despite the fact that according to the Georgian law, it is prohibited^[8]. The age of marriages between 13 and 15-years-old is widely accepted in the Roma communities. It results in low level of Roma girls’ attendance to schools and high drop-outs rate. Another, not less important, reason for illiteracy among young Roma in Georgia is that education is still not highly valuated in those communities, as children are expected to contribute to the household economy.

In 2012, the Georgian government, with support of ECMI and local NGOs, started the registration process of Roma people. Still, the number of text devoted to those groups and available to wider international public is low.^[9] Similarly, the presence of related groups (Dom, Lom and Abdal) is not fully recognised in the reports of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) so far.

In 2016, a conference was organised by the Caucasus branch of the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI), in cooperation with the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to identify the needs of the Roma community of Georgia and to present possible solutions, following a six-month project “Towards Roma Inclusion in Georgia”.

No statistics are currently kept in Norway on the basis of ethnic background. However, on the basis of information provided by the Roma and persons who have contact with the Roma, it is possible to estimate the total number of Norwegian Roma registered in the Norwegian National Population Register at approximately 700 persons. Of these, the large majority (over 600) reside in Oslo.

The Norwegian Roma population is culturally and socially a part of the Vlach Roma sub-group present in Western Europe. In addition, during recent years, an increasing number of Roma have arrived in Norway, particularly from Romania. The number of Roma migrants is unknown.

Norwegian Roma are recognized as a national minority group together with four other groups under the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, i.e. Kvens/Norwegian Finns (kvener/norskfinner), Romani people (romanifolk/tatere), Forest Finns (skogfinner) and Jews (jøder). Norwegian Roma have been present in today’s Norway since the 18th century at least.

The group of 4,000 to 10,000 Romani people  is now mostly sedentary following past assimilation policies. Their language is called Romani as opposed to the language spoken by Roma called Romanes in Norway. As stated above, Romani people are recognised in Norway as a distinct minority, though both Roma and Romani people would fall under the general definition of Roma used at the Council of Europe. There is a certain agreement among experts that Roma and Romani people share a common lineage originated in India. In Norway however they represent two distinct groups with different culture and history and they face different challenges when it comes to dealing with the majority population and the authorities.

Roma community members live mainly in north east Slovenia (Prekmurje region) and south east Slovenia (regions of Dolenjska, Posavje and Bela Krajina), as well as in large cities like Maribor, Velenje, Ljubljana, Celje, Jesenice, Radovljica (the Sinti families live mainly in Jesenice and Radovljica). According to the applicable legislation in the field of personal data protection, the ministries, government offices and other competent institutions do not keep specific records of persons based on their ethnic origin or nationality. The official data on the number of Roma community members living in Slovenia is the official data from the population census from 2002, which does not distinguish between Roma who are permanently or temporarily resident in Slovenia. In the 2002 census 3,246 persons stated that they were Roma community members and 3,834 persons stated that the Romani language was their mother tongue. The register-based census performed in 2011, did not include the category of national/ethnic origin and mother tongue, therefore there are no more recent official data available.

Nonetheless, the state can rely on the estimates from institutions and non-governmental organizations (both Roma and other non-governmental organizations operating among the Roma population and with it) when preparing the policies and measures to improve the situation of the Roma community and for the protection of the rights of its members. The estimates of various institutions, like social work centres, administrative units and non-governmental Roma organisations indicate that between 10,000 and 12,000 Roma live in Slovenia. For example, following an assessment of the social work centres, 11,703 Roma lived in Slovenia, most of them in the territory of the social work centres of Maribor and Murska Sobota (3,000), Novo Mesto (1,500), Črnomelj (780) and Kočevje (550). The research performed by the Social Protection Institute of the Republic of Slovenia in 2014 in relation to this assessment indicates that this number does not cover the entire Roma population, as some social work centres do not systematically record the data and they do not wish to make any estimates.

Similarly to most other European countries, the Roma community in Slovenia is still among those groups of population, which are highly subjected to discrimination due to their national and ethnic origin and belongs to the lowest social classes, characterized by poverty. Even though there is internal stratification in the Roma community as well (which significantly differs by regions and in the regions by municipalities, settlements and families and therefore jumping to conclusions may lead to a distorted image of the actual situation), in most cases, the social status of the Roma population is nevertheless still markedly lower than the social status of the majority population. The unfavourable socio-economic status of the Roma community members is related to poverty, low level of education, elevated level of unemployment, inappropriate housing situation, with poor health condition and prejudices and stereotypes against the Roma. These negative factors, the causes and consequences of which are closely interrelated and intertwined, create a closed circle of exclusion, from which Roma cannot escape by themselves or have major difficulties in doing so. Consequently, Roma have no social power, they are excluded from events, permanently socially excluded and dependent on social assistance. They are not interconnected, they are fragmented by settlements and mostly disorganised or their organisation is structured in a local Roma community, which is usually limited to individual settlements; however, families from several settlements and regions can also be connected. It often happens that the people who start taking more advanced norms and rules are disabled in their own midst. When they are dealt with, they are dealt with as a problem that needs to be countered and not resolved. They are rarely actively involved in resolving problems. Poor housing situation, particularly in south-eastern Slovenia, constant social exclusion and social patterns in individual groups or communities contribute to their dependence on financial social support.

On average, the socio-economic situation of Roma is better in Prekmurje than in Dolenjska, Posavje and Bela krajina and other environments inhabited by Roma. There are also significant differences in socio-economic situation, lifestyle, education, employment, religious affiliation, customs and habits between the so-called non-traditionally settled Roma, who live in larger towns (Ljubljana, Maribor, Celje, Jesenice and Velenje), and the traditionally settled Roma in rural areas (the situation of the latter being much worse). Roma in Prekmurje mostly have a social status that enables them to regularly include their children in kindergartens and primary and secondary education. On average, the housing situation and the municipal infrastructure in the settlements with majority Roma community members is better arranged in Prekmurje and they represent a better basis for the integration of children in the education system and later in finding employment. However, prejudices and stereotyping by the majority population associated with Roma are still very present in all parts of Slovenia, since they are deeply rooted in Slovenian society and they are still passed on from generation to generation.

The legal basis for regulating the status of the Roma community is Article 65 of the Constitution, which specifies that the status and special rights of the Roma community living in Slovenia be governed by law. This is the legal framework for the adoption of protective measures. The constitutional provision was realised by the adoption of the Roma Community in the Republic of Slovenia Act in 2007. Its adoption represented a giant step forward in the realisation of Article 65 of the Slovenian Constitution, defining Roma as belonging to the Slovenian and European area and society, and creating a basis for improvement of the status of the Roma community everywhere in the Republic of Slovenia. Roma Community Act regulates the competences of national authorities and authorities of self-governing local communities concerning the implementation of special rights of the Roma community, the organisation of the Roma community at national and local levels, and funds for financing these activities. For substantial and effective implementation of the rights of the Roma community, the Slovenian government in 2010 adopted the National Programme for Roma for the period 2010–2015, intended to cover all areas defined in the Act, that is, all areas where measures for improving the status of Roma and affective implementation of Roma community rights are actually necessary.

In 2017, the new National Programme for Roma for the period 2017–2021 was adopted by the Government. The objectives of this programme are to improve the situation and promote social inclusion as well as reduce the social exclusion of women and men in all those areas for which, based on the experience of state authorities, municipalities, the Roma community and civil society organizations, this is considered necessary. The measures range in various areas of social life, with an emphasis on raising the level of education, reducing unemployment, improving health care, improving living conditions, eliminating prejudices, stereotypes and discrimination, preserving Roma culture, language and identity and promoting the information and publishing activity of the Roma community. In addition to the problematic starting point and the planned measures, this programme also includes the envisaged system for monitoring the implementation of measures, which is further strengthened compared to the previous period and directed primarily to monitoring the impact of measures in local environments. Throughout the process of the preparation, the Roma community was actively involved in its activities through its representatives, as was the practice in the preparation of the first program of measures.

The protection of the Roma community is also provided for in other laws. Aside from legislation, care for the realisation of special rights of the Roma community and the improvement of its status is incorporated in numerous programmes, strategies and resolutions in different social areas.