Information Documents

SG/Inf(2000)40     26 October 2000


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Council of Europe Election Observation Mission in Kosovo: Second Report

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COUNCIL OF EUROPE ELECTION

OBSERVATION MISSION

SECOND REPORT

23 OCTOBER 2000



Head of Mission, Mr Victor Ruffy

Deputy Head of Mission, Mr Owen Masters

Legal Advisor, Mrs Alenka Pervinsek Mesojedec

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I.          The Purpose and Challenge of the Elections

II.        The Main Bodies Responsible for the Preparations of the Elections

III.       The Electoral Campaign

IV.       The Media

V.        The Final Results and the Procedure for Voters out of Kosovo

VI.       NeighbouringElections

VII.     Conclusions



Appendices

I.          The Purpose and Challenge of the Elections

A         The Election 

1.      These elections, organised by the International Community, offer an opportunity for the people of Kosovo to participate in democratic local elections.  The elections, which are to take place on 28 October 2000, will elect representatives to 30 municipalities.  It is appropriate that the first election to be held in Kosovo is a local election, as the role of local government is crucial in a post-war or transitional situation.  Kosovo is suffering the consequences of a ruined economy, resulting in 80% unemployment and social suffering. There is also a high level of conflict between some ethnic groups. 

2.      It is important to recognise that local government is a pivotal factor in the provision of stability, and basic services to the population.  It should also be stressed that all previous institutions in Kosovo were local institutions, whether they were the parallel structures operated by the Albanians after 1989, or the Obstinas, which formed part of the system of government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.  

3.      These elections are important, as municipal government is closer to the people and should eventually be self sufficient and autonomous, in accordance with the European Charter of Local Self Government.  These are important in meeting the people’s daily needs.   Elections are also important in the context of the broader regional situation, and could, if successful, encourage regional stabilisation through local democracy.   Finally, the elections will illustrate the commitment of the people in Kosovo to democracy, and the devolving of responsibilities to all areas and neighbourhoods. The elections to the Municipal Assemblies are for two years; subsequent elections will be for a four-year period.

           

B.        Municipalities in Kosovo

4.      The regulation for municipal self-government established thirty municipalities, which is based on the previous territorial boundaries of both the parallel Albanian administrations, and the Obstinas of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.   The exception is the municipality of Malishevo, which has a mainly Albanian population, and was abolished following the loss of Kosovo autonomy in 1989.   As the municipal constituencies vary in size there are more members elected in municipalities with larger populations. The numbers vary from 17 members in Novo Brdo with a population of 4,924, to 41 members in Pec with a population of 140,191. 

5.      It is perhaps unfortunate that it was not possible to organise elections at neighbourhood, and village level, as it would have enabled a democratic structure, below the level of municipality.  This would have been important for those ethnic groups living in villages and neighbourhoods, where the majority of residents in a municipality are from another ethnic group. There is a provision within the local government regulations, for the municipality to delegate activities and responsibilities to villages and neighbourhoods, however municipalities must provide the appropriate resources.    Furthermore, representatives of all ethnic groups can be appointed to the Communities Committee of the Municipality, and this should go some way to redressing the fact that elections will not take place at village and neighbourhood level. (Appendix I)

C.        Municipal Competences  

6.      Municipalities are the basic territorial unit of local self-government, as established by regulation 2000/45 of the United Nation Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK).  The Regulation ensures that the municipal assembly is the highest representative body in the municipality and is directly elected at this election.  The municipal assembly must hold its first meeting within fifteen days of the certification of the election results. The first meeting of the assembly will elect the president and deputy president of the assembly; they must be elected by two thirds of the elected members of the assembly. The municipality will be responsible to provide and control public services including social services, primary health care.  The provision of local public utilities and infrastructure including water supply, sewage treatment, waste management, local roads, fire and emergency services.  

7.      In addition, the municipality is responsible for urban and rural planning, the licensing of building and other development, and the provision of education. The municipality has the authority to raise revenue through local taxes, in the form of the licensing of services and facilities which will include entertainment, fairs and markets, taxis, hunting and fishing, restaurants and hotels.  A municipality may also raise revenue from fines, and income from municipal assets such as property or land.   

8.      However, the Central Authority of Kosovo, following the municipalities’ programme of activities and economic management for the coming year, will allocate the major source of finance for the municipality.  Funds should be made available to meet the expenditure requirements of the municipality for the fiscal year.                                                                       

D.        Election Date 

9.      A joint report entitled ‘Filling the Power Vacuum’, dated 7 August 1999 by the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe (CoE) made a recommendation of  ‘…..the importance of exercising caution in holding early elections for the municipalities’.   The date chosen had to reflect the many difficulties in organising an election, as previous registers were almost non-existent throughout Kosovo. It was then necessary to prepare a new voter’s register and this register was combined with civil registration.  A decision was taken in August by the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations (SRSG), Dr Bernard Kouchner that the election was to be held on 28 October.

10.  The wisdom of combining civil and voter registration must be questioned as difficulties arose in two main areas:                                                                                                                    

·      Identity cards should have been issued within weeks of registration. By mid October, not a single identity card has been issued, even though registration, which commenced on 17 April, was concluded on 19 July.                                                                               

·      It was apparent when the Provisional Voter’s List (PVL) was published that a large percentage of names of those who had registered, and who were in possession of a registration receipt, were not included on the PVL. The Elections Operation Organisation has admitted the figure of 20% of names missing from the PVL.   Approximately only 20% of registrants checked that their names appeared on the PVL, the Mission’s Long-Term Observers (LTOs) consistently reported that throughout Kosovo 25% to 30% of names were missing.   The Mission was informed that this unacceptable situation would be rectified.                                                                                                                                                  

11.  The problems described above gave rise to a loss of confidence in the administration of these elections, and it was reassuring that on publication of the Final Voters List (FVL), the majority of those names missing were included.  There was a 2-week period for voters to check their names.  Early indications confirm that the majority of those names missing are now included.

                                                                                            

E.        Election Process 

12.  Preparation for these elections was complicated by the fact that there were very few reliable civil or voter registration records in existence in Kosovo. The registers were lost, destroyed or removed. These records may not have been reliable as many Albanians in Kosovo boycotted the 1991 Census, and did not participate in the elections conducted by Serbia during the 1990s.

13.  The registration phase, which commenced on 17 April, was concluded on 19 July.  In July political parties were certified for ballot access, and candidates’ lists were submitted for verification. The verification of candidates and the lottery for positions on the ballot paper took place in August.  Applications not approved for registration were subject to review and inquiry during August.  The Confirmation, Additions and Challenges (CAC) period took place from 21 to 30 August. Following the CAC period, the voter’s list was finalised in September, and submitted to the Central Elections Commission (CEC) for approval.  

14.  The CEC appointed the Municipal Election Commissions’ (MEC) members and gave final approval for the Election Regulations. When the electoral campaign began, on 13 September, these regulations were applied, and included Media and Campaign Finance Regulations.  

15.  The Final Voter’s List (FVL) was prepared, and made available for inspection in early October. The electoral campaign period ends on 26 October, political campaigning will be prohibited on 27 October and on Polling Day, 28 October.        

F.         Inquiry

16.  The Civil and Voter Registration was concluded on 19th July.  The ending of this phase did not mean the conclusion of the registration process, because since that time approximately 90,000 cases have been submitted to inquiry, as eligibility had not been proven, due to insufficient identification documents being provided on initial application.

 

17.  The inquiry process has its legal basis in Administrative Directive no. 2000/08 of 

27 April 2000 and in UNMIK Regulation no. 2000/13 on the Central Civil Registry.

18.  The inquiry process was necessary in order to avoid the possibility of including in the registration people who did not meet the criteria to be registered; definite proof of a person’s identity was a conditio sine qua non for registration.

19.  It should be remembered that during the last year of conflict many Kosovo Albanians had been deprived of the documents establishing their identity. In addition many official records, particularly those concerning civil status, were either destroyed or taken away to Serbia.  Had this documentation been available, the registration process would have been quicker, and much less challenging for both the authorities in charge and the applicants.  Consequently 92,386 cases were submitted for inquiry. Of these, 9,362 cases were examined in the five regional centres. Almost all of the cases were approved, with only 347 being denied.  The inquiry process was concluded at the end of September, as it was necessary that all those who had registered were entered in the database.

20.  The denied cases were submitted to the Central Civil Registrar, who, under Section 7 of Regulation 2000/13 on civil registration, has the power to decide upon appeal cases. The denied cases could be divided into 3 categories: -

·         internally displaced persons from Southern Serbia (Presevo Valley);

·         immigrants, mostly from Albania;

·         people who could not be re-established in Kosovo.

21.  All those applicants who were denied registration were informed of the possibility to appeal. The very low number of denials reflects the fact that an inclusion policy was adopted.  

22.  Should new evidence of fraud be discovered, under Regulation 2000/13 the Civil Registrar has the power to revoke the registration of such people.  It is expected that this power be retained should the civil status records of Kosovo Albanians be retrieved.

G.        Women

23.  Under the Electoral Rule contained in Regulation 2000/39, 30% of the first 15 candidates of political parties, coalitions, or citizens’ initiatives must be women.  In a region where the tradition of a patriarchal society imposes itself on a community, a challenge is presented for both Kosovo women and the registration per se.

24.  In order to prepare these women candidates to govern, election campaign training workshops were organised throughout Kosovo by OSCE with the assistance of the United Nations Development Fund for Women, the United Nations Office of Gender Affairs and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs.  These workshops offered training of one and a half day’s duration and ran from 5 – 17 September in Gjilan/Gnjilane, Ferizaj/Uroševac, Pejë/Pec, Gjakovë/Dakovica, Prizren, Rahovec/Orahovac and Prishtinë/Priština.

25.  It is perhaps unfortunate that attendance at this training was not as great as it may have been, due to the workshops being held during the working week, and due to the distance some candidates had to travel to attend. Skilled international trainers, sharing their experiences, ran the workshops. Our LTOs attended some of these workshops and reported that the women candidates responded well, and actively participated in the training.  Good publicity was given to the workshops by the media, also highlighting the importance of the role of women in political life.

26.  The success of the workshops and positive media coverage was highlighted in a Kosovo wide survey.  The survey, which supported the active role of women in politics, was carried out from 19 – 23 September and interviewed over 1,000 Albanians. In addition during discussions with the leaders of political parties the CEEOM was informed that the role of women in politics is an important factor for the future of Kosovo.

II.        The main bodies responsible for the election

A.        Election Complaints and Appeals Sub-Commission

27.  The Election Complaints and Appeals Sub-Commission (ECAC) is a body established by the CEC, under United Nations Regulation 2000/21.  It is composed of an International Chief Commissioner and 3 Kosovo Deputy Commissioners.  Ratio legis for establishing this important body was to ensure that sanctions are applied, should there be any violations of the electoral rules, or any other rules or regulations in respect of the elections.  Complaints about media activity during the electoral process are addressed in conjunction with the ECAC Media Advisory Panel.

28.  Any person who has a legal interest or who claims his/her rights concerning the electoral process have been violated may file a complaint to the ECAC.

29.  Where violations have occurred, ECAC has the power to:

·         order remedial action to be taken;

·         levy fines of up to 10,000 DM.

           

30.  In agreement with the CEC Chairman, the ECAC can:

·         remove a member of a Municipal Election Commission, Confirmation Centre Staff, or Polling Station Committee;

·         remove a candidate from a candidate’s list, and not allow the party or coalition to replace the candidate when it is decided that the political party or coalition was responsible for the violation;

·         exclude a political party, coalition, citizens’ initiative, or independent candidate from contesting the elections;

·         exclude any individual taking part in the elections, as a candidate or otherwise, of the right to register as a candidate, or become a member of any election body or authority for up to 6 years;

·         exclude any political party, coalition, or independent candidate from taking part in elections for up to 6 years.

31.  The judgements made, reflect the seriousness with which violations are viewed.  The majority of violations result from:

·         failure to notify the International Civilian Police of a political rally, 96 hours before it is due to take place;

·         campaigning with firearms at  political rallies;

·         the use of publicly owned vehicles for political rallies;

·         defacing of buildings by the  painting of party abbreviations.

B.        Central Election Commission

32.  The Special Representative of the Secretary-General, on 18th April 2000, signed the Regulation on the Establishment of the CEC, UNMIK Regulation 2000/21. The CEC is composed of:

33.  The CEC is supported by a secretariat located at the OSCE, and the term of membership of the CEC is for 2 years.  The CEC met officially for the first time on 18th April 2000.  The CEC’s membership was fully constituted except for the Serb member. At its first official meeting a code of conduct was adopted for political parties, coalitions, candidates and their supporters. The purpose of the code of conduct is to promote conditions conducive to conducting free, fair and informed elections within a climate of democratic tolerance, in which political activity can take place during the electoral period.

34.  According to UNMIK Regulation No. 2000/21 the CEC is responsible for establishing the electoral rules, which govern the conduct of the elections, and which include the following:

·         the format of sensitive electoral material;

·         design of ballot papers;

·         registration of political parties, coalitions, citizens’ initiatives, and the independent candidates;

·         establishing competent bodies to oversee the elections, such as the Municipal Election Commissions and Polling Station Committees;

·         voter registration provisions;

·         polling and counting procedures;

·         voter information;

·         an electoral code of conduct.

C.        Municipal Election Commission (MEC)

35.  As previously mentioned, the CEC has the competence to establish the MEC and appoint its members.  The structure of each MEC depends on the size of population in a municipality and varies from 3 to 5 commissioners and comprises a president, secretary and at least one member.  The mandate of the commission is for 2 years. One of the MEC’s principal tasks is to assist in the administration of the elections, exercising the electoral rules adopted by the CEC.  These include:

·         notifying voters of the necessary information for the administration of 

elections;

·         the provision of impartial information for political parties, coalitions, and independent candidates in respect of their rights and obligations;

·         assisting in the training and appointment of the Polling Station Committees;

·         assisting in the arrangements at the polling stations and any other technical preparations for the elections;

·         ensuring the proper conduct of polling, counting and compiling the results of the elections.

36.  The MEC should execute these tasks in a non-political and neutral manner.  Therefore the members must fulfil the following criteria:

·         not seek or hold elected public office, or hold appointed public office;

·         be in possession of administrative or electoral experience and have a high professional standing.

37.  During the meetings of the Political Party Consultative Commission (PPCC) and the CEC, CEEOM witnessed the care taken in choosing the type of ballot.

38.  Each party taking part in the election campaign was allotted a number, which was the same for each municipality and was drawn by means of a lottery.  All of the parties were invited to take part by drawing their own number.  To avoid problems with numbers of particular significance, the organisers decided to start with the number 11.

39.  The PPCC and the CEC were asked to choose between three types of ballot:

a)         A full ballot consisting of the full list of candidates (several hundred names in       the main municipalities), which would be very impractical for the voters and             difficult to count.

b)         An extremely simplified generic ballot, which would be easy to count but likely    to place the voters in difficulty when they cast their ballots.

c)         An open ballot whereby voters mark a number in one box for the party they          wish to vote for, and another number in another box for the candidate of the      same party, to whom they wish to give their vote.  This type of ballot is a           satisfactory compromise. To help them, voters would find a poster in the polling station with the candidates listed according to their party and the    numbers allotted to them.

40.  Given the laudable efforts described above, particularly in allotting numbers, the CEEOM was struck by the absence of numbers, carelessness in the choice of alphabet for the Serbian texts, the spelling and sometimes even the terminology used and the standard of translations.

41.  The appearance of Serbian texts next to those in the Albanian language, on draft election posters and ballot papers, was criticised by some members of the CEC, who considered this to be a provocation; however, their greatest objection was to the use of the Cyrillic alphabet, which had not been in use for a number of years, rather than Latin characters used by the Serbian administration on official documents over recent years.  The decision to use the Cyrillic alphabet was particularly unfortunate from a practical point of view, as it meant that the Bosniaks, an ethnic group of Islamic religion, could not read the texts.  The Bosniaks, like the Goranis, had already been offended by the fact that they had been referred to in official texts as Muslim Slavs.

III.       THE ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

A.        Outline of the Campaign

42.  All the party leaders questioned except one, Mr Qosja, were clearly keen for these elections to be held this autumn and galvanised their supporters to campaign, realising that for the first time the proportional system was going to call for a strong commitment throughout Kosovo. (Appendix II).

43.  To help the electorate look beyond the personalities contesting the election, and at the ideas upheld by the parties, the OSCE asked the parties, the citizens’ initiatives and the independent candidates to briefly formulate their policy platforms.  (Appendix III).

44.  The platforms, which are drafted in general terms, whether intentionally or otherwise, highlight aspirations to self-determination, independence and integration into Europe.  However, neither these statements nor the leaders’ speeches refer to “Greater Albania”.  They place the accent on the defence of values such as human rights and the right to travel freely, rather than on proposals for dealing with the practical problems encountered in municipalities. 

45.  Interestingly, political speech-making gradually shifted during the campaign from the general level, to that of day-to-day local concerns with a direct bearing on the municipalities’ responsibilities.

46.  UNMIK and the OSCE should be credited with taking steps to bring political discourse back to a relevant level and to local issues.  These steps include television advertisements scheduled to coincide with the campaign launch and regularly shown thereafter, the publication “Voters’ Voices, Community Concerns” and the various training courses which have had a decisive impact in this respect.

47.  Without always voicing their concerns, political leaders are aware that substantial funds will be needed to pursue active policies at municipal level.   The voluntary contributions paid in Kosovo, and by people of Kosovo living abroad, in the years before the war, which allowed the parallel society to function, have ceased, and adequate resources cannot be expected under the present circumstances.  An efficient contribution system will have to be set up if policy at this level is not to fail.

B.        Financial Aid for Publicity

48.  From the beginning of the election campaign several parties complained that they were unable to present their policy platforms or candidates for lack of funds.  Given the economic difficulties generally besetting Kosovo, it is easy to imagine the financial challenge that campaign planning has meant for most of the parties, not to mention the independent candidates.

49.  A scrutiny of the parties’ declarations of their assets and sources of funding, in keeping with the regulations adopted, shows quite clearly that no parties except the three most often mentioned – the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) – are in a position to contest the election without outside support.

50.  Under such circumstances it must be questioned whether democracy, which hinges on pluralism, is not in jeopardy for purely financial reasons.

51.  A number of governments took this view and decided to allocate funds to strengthen and diversify the political debate.

52.  The USA gave 500,000 dollars to finance radio and television advertisements, while Germany (100,000 DM), Switzerland (100,000 DM) and Norway (15,000 DM) decided to support the campaigning efforts of the parties, the citizens’ initiatives and even some independent candidates.  The three wealthiest parties will be entitled to a share of the first fund, but will be excluded from the second.

53.  An Austrian non-governmental organisation has been given the task of distributing the money to those concerned and supervising its allocation.

54.  For the first fund, it has chosen a distribution scale allocating the following approximate amounts:

55.  The scale for the campaign fund (which excludes the three wealthiest parties) is as follows:

·         9,400 DM for parties campaigning in more than three municipalities

·         4,700 DM for parties campaigning in fewer than three municipalities

·         4,700 DM for citizens’ initiatives

·         2,350 DM for independent candidates.

56.  These amounts may seem very small, but in the context of Kosovo, they are of more than symbolic value.  All the beneficiaries but one have welcomed them, and CEEOM is convinced that this kind of support has helped to boost democracy. 

IV.       The Media

A.        Kosovo Media and the International Community

57.  There is a wide range of media activity in Kosovo. Several daily newspapers, Kosovo-wide radio and television stations, plus television and radio stations at local or regional level are operating in Kosovo.

58.  There has been little success in introducing a voluntary code of conduct for the media.

59.  When the Albanian daily “DITA” published a picture with an article about a Serbian United Nations employee in late April, accusing him of having been involved in misconduct during the war in Kosovo, he was found dead 2 weeks later. “DITA” was ordered by Dr Kouchner to be closed for 8 days, although most of the media representatives did not agree with this decision.

60.  On 17 June regulations on the conduct of the media were introduced. The section of the regulations entitled “Special Provisions” is as a direct result of the “DITA” case, which specifically prohibits “publishing personal details of any person, including name, address, or place of work, if the publication of such details would pose a serious threat to the life, safety or security of any such person through vigilante violence or otherwise.”

61.  According to the new regulation, a Temporary Media Commissioner (TMC) was created, while waiting for an Interim Media Commission to be established. The TMC was authorized to issue binding codes of conduct for print and broadcast media.

62.  The Media Appeals Board was established as an independent body, to handle appeals against the decisions of the Temporary Media Commissioner. The Board will hear and decide on appeals by a person or an organisation.

63.  The Media Affairs Department of the OSCE explained that regulations and codes reflect the fact that the situation in Kosovo is unusual.

64.  It was decided to regulate the media by law. The codes were temporary, meeting all western standards and aimed to remain just as long as there was no effective self-regulatory mechanism. The OSCE themselves are not happy with its role, and has given its assurance that it is a measure to encourage self-regulation.

65.  There are journalists in Kosovo, who accuse the International Community of implementing censorship and doubt the independence of the TMC. The main complaints of Haqif Mulliqi, President of the Kosovo Journalists’ Association were, that the OSCE had just copied models previously used in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which would not fit Kosovo, and that people who had never been to Kosovo before compiled the codes. However his greatest concern was, that it should not be governments (here OSCE as de facto part of the government) who compile such codes.

66.  On 17 September 2000, representatives of most Kosovo daily media took the first step in signing a Memorandum of Understanding, with the intention of contributing to the creation of a tolerant environment and a fair election in Kosovo. The daily “Bota Sot” and “Radio Kosova e lirë” did not sign.

67.  The text of the memorandum is as follows:

“Starting from the importance of the Election for the future of Kosovo, bearing in mind the influence of a tolerant, free and democratic atmosphere for the Elections, in accordance with the accepted professional criteria and the Codex of Etiquette of Kosovo Journalists, without infringement of the freedom of thought and expression, print and electronic media in Kosovo agreed on, especially during the period of election campaigning:

To avoid commentaries, which incite a tense atmosphere,

To remove the language of insults, hatred and inventions,

To support a fair, free and democratic election race.”

68.  A further positive sign is the plan to establish a new “Council of the Media”, with the help of the International Journalists Federation.  As soon as these mechanisms show effect, there can and should be new negotiations between the International Community and the Media for finding a final and satisfactory solution, as the current mechanism does not seem to be satisfactory for any of the parties. Both sides have valid arguments, but they should make strong efforts to encourage the realisation and the protection of an effective self-regulatory mechanism, as it could be dangerous to develop ready-made tools for media restriction when future governments are uncertain.

69.  Concerning the media coverage of the electoral campaign, CEEOM is not in a position to analyse if the OSCE rules of equitable access to the media were followed. It is necessary to mention, that the Liberal Party of Kosovo (PLK) of Mr Dedaj feels strongly marginalized by the media and Mr Dedaj was even considering withdrawing his party from the local Elections. Media monitoring during the Elections is done by OSCE in addition to local organizations, such as “Gani Bobi”, the “Council for the Defend of Human Rights and Freedom” and “KACI”.

V.        THE FINAL RESULTS AND THE PROCEDURE FOR VOTERS OUT OF KOSOVO

A.        Out-Of-Kosovo Voting

Description of the phases:

70.  The review and appeal phase was organised as in Kosovo, except that as from

7 September 2000 appeal cases were processed by the EASC in Pristina, (a total of 4,200 cases).

71.  The information collected suggests that the procedure was conducted under normal conditions, although the registration phase ran into the same difficulties as in Kosovo, resulting in the revision of the electoral registers and, consequently, additional costs.

72.  Postal voting called for special arrangements, which naturally had to allow for the time required for each voter to receive the necessary material and return it to Vienna.

73.  Appended are 3 lists of figures, giving an idea of the geographical distribution of applications for registration. (Appendix IV).  The first gives the origin of dispatches to Vienna (one dispatch may contain several applications). The second gives the total number, by country, of persons entitled to vote.  Not surprisingly, the first and second lists are headed by Germany and Switzerland, followed by Austria. What is surprising is the difference between the number of applicants supplied by these three countries and the final number of applicants accepted.  The third list is that of persons registered according to municipality.  As was to be expected, the municipality of Pristina came first, closely followed by Prizren.

* * *

74.  The ballot papers for the Elections in Kosovo were printed in the United Kingdom and sent to Bamberg in Germany, where a firm specialising in mass mailing was instructed to send each voter the ballot paper, the electoral register and the handbook setting out the parties’ policy platforms.

75.  The timetable was as follows:

A massive publicity campaign in 32 countries                                                            28.04.2000

End of the registration period                                                                                     19.07.2000

                                                                                                                                                      

Cut off date for appeals from 32 countries to Vienna                                                07.09.2000                 

Arrival of the ballots (from the United Kingdom) to Bamberg                                  11.09.2000                 

Commencement of dispatching to the voter                                                               22.09.2000                 

Deadline for the arrival of the ballot                                                                           28.10.2000                 

Two dispatches to Pristina by aircraft with a military police                                                       

escort                                                                                                                           29.10.2000                 

76.  Definite results after the review and appeal process

Total number of applications sent to Vienna                                                                    179,443

Total number of applications finally accepted                                                                   35,575

77.  It is necessary to comment on the large number of unsuccessful applications.  The reasons for this, as given by the IOM, were mentioned in the first report.

78.  The acceptance rate of 20% is extremely low compared to the rate in Kosovo, where it is approximately 95%.  It may admittedly be due to the difficulties encountered by Kosovo people living abroad in supplying documents certifying that they were in their place of residence on 1 January 1998.  The process is much more difficult and more costly than for people living in Kosovo, but is that really the only reason?  If so, the question remains whether all the necessary precautions were taken?  Was the publicity campaign attractive enough?  Did the organisations give enough information?  Was the selection stricter in Vienna than in Pristina?

79.  CEEOM was unfortunately unable to look at all the forms used, including the replies given to rejected applicants.  The Mission will therefore refrain from passing judgment, but in our view this result calls for thorough investigation.   There are families in Switzerland and Germany who are wondering why some family members’ applications were refused.

B.        Out of Kosovo In Person Voting, Albania

80.  The campaign to encourage the out of Kosovo voters to register did not achieve very good results.  However there are not many refugees remaining in Albania, the majority of them having returned to Kosovo immediately after the war.  There is only one refugee camp remaining at Tirana.  The results were as follows:

·         Successful applicants              199

·         Review process                         83

·         Applications from review           7

·         Appeals                                       6

81.  The main reason for denied registration was insufficient identification documents being submitted. 

82.  On Election Day there will be 2 polling stations, one in Durres and the other at Tirana. Those voters needing to travel to the polling stations will have their travel expenses covered by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM).

C.        Out of Kosovo In Person Voting, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia           

 

83.  Registration the people of Kosovo took place in Macedonia at centres located at Skopje, Tetovo/Gostivar and Kumanovo.  In addition two-day registration took place in Valandovo, one day in Strumica and Gevgelia respectively.    Information sheets were printed in Albanian, Macedonian, and Serbian, but not in Romany.   Overall the number of Kosovo people registering in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia was low.  The reasons given for not registering were;          

                                               

·         Roma boycott as they do not want to go back to Kosovo, and feel registration will restrict their opportunity to settle in a third country.

·         No interest in the Kosovo elections.

84.  On publication of the PVL, many named were missing as elsewhere in Kosovo.  Of 715 registration applications approved, only 300 appeared on the PVL.   The IOM employed a statistician who has corrected the voter lists.                                                               

D.        Out of Kosovo In Person Voting, Montenegro

85.  Of the total number of Kosovo refugees in Montenegro is 31,977, only 875 were registered to vote. On publication of the PVL it was noted that more than 800 names were missing from the list.   During a visit to Montenegro it was clear that the majority of Kosovo people in Montenegro did not wish to participate either in registration or in the Election.

86.  The reasons given for non-registration by ethnic groups of refugees were:                                

Romas

·         Would vote if they could return to Kosovo but did not have confidence in the protection that KFOR offered;

·         Claimed that they did not receive information on registration;

·         No information has been provided on candidates. 

Egyptians

·         Some claimed they had only registered for the civil register;

·         Had no knowledge of an Egyptian candidate;

·         Under no circumstances would they vote in the Kosovo Elections, when having to live in a different country;

·         As long as they are refugees they will not vote for anyone.

Serbs

·         Not interested in registering, after being forced from their homes;

·         No confidence in UNMIK or KFOR to provide security should they return home.         

87.  It is apparent that the main reason for not registering or participating in the elections is a firm belief that the people of Kosovo must first be permitted to return to their homes.   The Commissariat of Montenegro conducted information on the registration process in Montenegro, it was widespread and thorough and eligible voters had an opportunity to register.   On publication of the FVL, 870 voters will be able to participate in the Kosovo Municipal Elections.  It remains to be seen how many of those will actually vote.                 

VI.    Neighbouring Elections  

88.  The Elections in Kosovo on the 28 October were preceded by elections in the neighbouring countries of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Albania, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which also took place in Serb communities in Kosovo. 

A.        Albania

89.  There were concerns that the Albanian Elections would take place in a tense atmosphere.  The prospect of a larger majority by the Socialists in many municipalities also caused concern among international observers as well as among some Albanians. However though the change in majority occurred as forecast[1] the Elections passed in a calm and orderly manner.  The definitive result will not be known until the second round. It is the first time since 1991 that elections were successfully conducted in Albania and this should be a good example for Kosovo.

B.        Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

90.  The Elections in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia were to elect representatives of 123 municipalities, and the city of Skopje.  The first round of elections took place on 10 September.  Despite a tense political climate, the elections and the counting of votes proceeded satisfactorily in most of the country.   Unfortunately the elections were marred by violence and irregularities in some areas.   Reported violence among Albanian parties resulted in at least 8 people being injured, and one has since died.  The irregularities included:                                                     

·         Many family heads voting on behalf of the whole family (wives, children etc), which is an infringement of individual voting rights.                            

·         Polling stations often set up in precarious conditions and not easily accessible.

·         Some polling stations being closed, following violence during the day.                

91.  The date chosen for the elections was criticised and could be an explanation for the high rate of absenteeism. The second round of elections, which took place on 24 September was organized in 54 municipalities to elect mayors.  The first round had to be repeated in 27 of the 123 municipalities.   Once again there were irregularities, which included intimidation, and multiple voting. The results of the elections in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia could have an impact on the Kosovo Elections, as they were closely followed by Kosovo society.                                                                                                                                        

C.        Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 

92.  These elections, which took place on the 24 September, are significant in that the change of President in Belgrade could have repercussions on future developments in Kosovo. The elections fell far short of the minimum standards of fair, secret and free elections. Election Day itself was marked by reports of there being an atmosphere of fear and intimidation. Furthermore the elections held in Kosovo, where it is estimated that 44,000 cast their vote, were conducted in an environment with the possibilities for manipulation. There was strong opposition by Albanian political leaders against the holding of these elections in Kosovo, however, UNMIK said its policy was “not to participate in, organise or in any other way condone or legitimise” the Republic of Yugoslavia elections.  They also announced that it would not “stand in the way” of the elections.  This then produced a strong reaction in the Kosovo Albanian media, with headlines such as “The vote of shame” “Kosovo Serbs vote for the person accused by The Hague” The elections in Kosovo were witnessed by the International Community in Kosovo.  It is important to state that CEEOM did not take part in that witnessing; it is not part of our mandate.  Clearly this election, and that for the Serbian Parliament in December will affect not only Kosovo, but also all countries in the Balkan Region, which could contribute to political and economic stability.  Hopefully the Kosovo Election on the 28 October will also contribute to this process.  

VII.     CONCLUSIONS

93.  The Mission is pleased to note that the various difficulties due to missing names have been overcome, although it was essential to systematically re-examine the voters’ lists to avoid problems on Election Day. Otherwise there is no need to refer to the registration period.

94.  The difficulties in issuing identity cards and the subsequent difficulties in establishing the voter’s list undermined the population’s confidence in the International Community, but fortunately the effect seemed to be temporary.

95.  CEEOM noted a great difference in registration rates between people living abroad (21%) and those living inside the territory (95%.) Such a difference is somewhat surprising, despite explanations given by the IOM.

96.  The Mission pays tribute to the work done by both UNMIK and OSCE. Work by the Joint Registration Taskforce, the Political Parties Consultative Forum and the Central Election Commission has meant that legal norms could be drawn up and adopted in a democratic spirit, in a short time. It welcomes candidate training and efforts to encourage parties to place women on their lists.

97.  Over three months, CEEOM witnessed developments in political speeches, which moved towards addressing the concrete problems of municipalities.  Despite a few incidents, the parties have respected the rules and kept commitments, demonstrating their authority and growing maturity.

98.  It was greatly helpful to publish and give out documents to explain the purpose of the election to the population, although minority languages were not always respected. The information operation will hopefully result in a large turnout thanks to a good understanding of the procedures and aims of the election. Whilst it is clear that some Serbs are obliged to live in precarious security conditions, it is regrettable that efforts by OSCE to include the Serbian population failed.

99.  CEEOM analysed television and radio programmes and articles in the written press. It feels that the media has played its part conscientiously and contributed in a very worthwhile manner to the education of the electorate.

For the reasons given below CEEOM is convinced that holding Elections now is justified because it will enable:

The delegation of authority to the municipalities;

By giving responsibility to local communities;

The principal of subsidiarity is acknowledged as being essential to democracy.

By making these decisions operational as rapidly as possible;

The interests of the citizens are best served.

* * *

The transformation of a system of nominated delegates into a body of elected representatives.

Will restore the civic pride and dignity of the people.

* * *

Through an electoral campaign and fair elections

The full sense of the community governance and different groups are given the possibility of being represented in local authorities.

In our opinion, a postponement of the elections would not necessarily offer a better security situation at a later stage.

No.

Name of municipality1  

Albanians1                                 

Serbs1

Roma-               Ashkali-Egyptians1

Bosnians (B)-    Croats (C)-         Slav Muslims(SM) Others1

Sum of Inhabi   tants

No. of            settle- ments(2)

No. of seats(3)

seats/

village

seats/inhabitant

1

DEÇAN/ DEČAN

41,000

24

415

60 (SM)

41,499

41

31

 3/4

0.075%

2

GJAKOVË/ DJAKOVICA

110,000

7

7,000

0

117,007

86

41

 1/2

0.035%

3

GLLOGOVC/ GLOGOVAC

55,000

0

0

0

55,000

37

31

 5/6

0.056%

4

GJILANI/ GNJILANE

76,020

12,500

300

2,050

90,870

58

41

 5/7

0.045%

5

DRAGASH/ DRAGAŠ

24,856

9,706

0

0

34,562

39

21

 1/2

0.061%

6

ISTOG/ ISTOK

42,000

85

800

1,100 (SM)

43,985

50

31

 5/8

0.070%

7

KAÇANIK/ KAČANIK

43,000

0

4

0

43,004

41

31

 3/4

0.072%

8

KLINË/ KLINA

44,874

3

1,126

0

46,003

60

31

 1/2

0.067%

9

FUSHË KOSOVË/ KOSOVO POLJE

34,000

4,000

2,300

116

40,416

19

21

1 1/9

0.052%

10

KAMENICA/ KOS. KAMENICA

51,650

12,000

350

0

64,000

77

31

 2/5

0.048%

11

MITROVICA/ KOS. MITROVICA

?

?

?

?

0

45

41

1   

12

LEPOSAVIQ/ LEPOSAVIČ

67

18,000

203

240

18,510

71

17

 1/4

0.092%

13

LIPJAN/ LIPLJAN

63,478

9,300

365 (C)/ 1,500

74,643

70

31

 4/9

0.042%

14

NOVO BËRDË/ NOVO BRDO

2,200

1,600

0

52

3,852

11

17

1 1/2

0.441%

15

OBILIQ/ OBILIČ

25,100

3,600

1,250

50

30,000

20

21

1   

0.070%

16

RAHOVEC/ ORAHOVAC

58,722

5,008

0

2,116

65,846

36

31

 6/7

0.047%

17

PEJA/ PEČ

104,600

950

4,000

4,000

113,550

79

41

 1/2

0.036%

18

PODUJEVË/ PODUJEVO

116,000

40

1,000

0

117,040

78

41

 1/2

0.035%

19

PRISHTINË/ PRIŠTINA

530,000

13,500

127

1,850

545,477

48

51

1   

0.009%

20

PRIZREN/ PRIZREN

181,531

258

4,500

12,250 (Turks)

236,039

78

41

 1/2

0.017%

37,500 (B/ SM)

21

SKENDERAJ/ SRBICA

65,000

291

0

21

65,312

52

31

 3/5

0.047%

22

SHTIME/ ŠTIMJLE

29,000

30

900

0

29,930

23

21

1   

0.070%

23

SHTËRPCE/ ŠTRPCE

1,830

9,182

0

175

11,187

17

17

1   

0.152%

24

SUHAREKË/ SUVA REKA

87,000

0

0

0

87,000

44

41

1   

0.047%

25

FERIZAJ/ UROŠEVAC

92,267

26

4,700

0

96,993

47

41

 7/8

0.042%

26

VITI/ VITINA

42,991

3,772

0

52

46,815

42

26

 5/8

0.056%

27

VUSHTRRI/ VUČITRN

85,000

3,700

300

0

89,000

67

31

 1/2

0.035%

28

ZUBIN POTOK/ ZUBIN POTOKU

?

?

?

?

57

17

29

ZVEÇAN/ ZVEČAN

?

?

?

?

33

17

30

MALISHEVË/ MALIŠEVO

?

?

?

?

44

31

Sources: 1 - OSCE Municipal Profiles (figures on the inhabitants are often estimated)

              2 - UNHCR Prishtina

              3 - UNMIK Regulation No. 2000/ 45 on self-government of municipalities in Kosovo, Pristina, 11 August 2000

APPENDIX I      

Map of Kosovo Municipalities

 1cm @ 16km  Source: OSCE

APPENDIX II

QUESTIONS PUT BY THE CEEOM TO THE PARTY LEADERS

Preliminary remarks:

In order to go deeper than a mere reading of summaries of the parties’ platforms and form a clearer idea of their respective positions, the CEEOM decided to put a number of questions to their leaders.  The Mission has thereby responded directly to the point in its terms of reference requiring consultation of representatives of the political parties.

In view of the number of parties, the CEEOM restricted itself to those presenting candidates in at least half of all the municipalities.

These parties were:

1.         Democratic League of Kosovo                                 LDK – Ibrahim Rugova

                                                                                                            At Rambouillet

2.         Democratic Party of Kosovo                                    PDK – Hashim Thaçi

                                                                                                            At Rambouillet

3.         Social-Democratic Party of Kosovo                         PSDK – Kaqusha Jashari

                                                                                                             At Rambouillet

4.         Alliance for the Future of Kosovo                           AAK – Ramush Haradinaj

                                                                                              Not personally at Rambouillet

5.         Liberal Centre Party of Kosovo                              PQLK – Naim Maloku

                                                                                                              At Rambouillet

6.         Coalition for Independence of Kosovo                   KP – Rexhep Qosja

                                                                                                            At Rambouillet

7.         Liberal Party of Kosovo                                           PLK – Gjergj Dedaj

                                                                                                             Not at Rambouillet

The interviews took place between 18 September and 3 October, ie before the events, which brought Mr Vojislav Kostunica to the presidency of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

We thank the leaders for receiving us.  Some were taken up with the campaign and could not give us allow enough time to put all our questions.  We will indicate this fact so as not to give the impression that they deliberately sidestepped these questions.

A.                THE MEANING OF THE ELECTIONS

CEEOM: Is this the right time to be holding these elections?

I. Rugova  (KDL):             It would have been preferable to begin with parliamentary and presidential elections, but what we need now is to have lawfully elected officials; we ourselves have got to make politics function.

H. Thaçi (PDK):                    They ought to have been held earlier.

K. Jashari (KSDP):              The time is right.  We consider the establishment of democratic legitimacy and the Kosovars’ assumption of responsibilities to be essential and something which cannot wait.  We have been in existence as a party since 1990, but we never had the chance to show who we were.  We have strong personalities.  We are happy with the choice of proportional representation.

                                               As a party we asked that Kosovo be present at the Zagreb conference on the Balkans and the Stability Pact.  We hope that Kosovo will be represented by Kosovars and not by Mr Kouchner.  We did indeed call for an international presence in Kosovo so that we could be treated as subjects and not as objects.

R. Haradinaj (AAK):           Kosovo is not ready, but the elections are necessary.  It is important to have elected representatives in the municipalities.

N. Maloku (PQLK):             These elections need to be held now to stabilise the situation.

R. Qosja (KP):                      The elections are a little too soon.  The climate is still emotional.  A delay would help to calm people down, and the authorities could finish what they have started.  It is right to begin with the municipal elections and then organise a general election.

G. Dedaj (KLP):                   These elections are beneficial for Kosovo, and we want them to take place so that democratic institutions can be established.  You should be aware that in Kosovo people simply proclaim themselves to be ministers, and this is something we must put a stop to as quickly as possible.  We will soon need parliamentary elections.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

CEEOM: Have you any criticisms to make about the way these elections have been organised?

I. Rugova:                       Too many people’s names were not on the electoral registers – mine wasn’t, those of three members of my family weren’t either.  In some municipalities 10,000 names were missing.  This gave rise to discontent and feelings of frustration.

H. Thaçi:                         Kosovo Radio and Television did not present us like the other parties.

K. Jashari:                      Some deadlines were too short, particularly the closing date for registering parties and for civil registration.  Local officials were insufficiently involved in the work (Statistical Office).  Albanian-language translations of key documents such as the Local Government Rule reached us late.

R. Haradinaj:                  I regret the lack of coordination between the OSCE and UNMIK: this was again the case with the organisation of the political meetings we had long planned and for which we were asked to supply information we had already given.

N. Maloku:                      We made our comments during the preparation of the various regulations governing these elections, and some of them were accepted while others were not.  For our part, we now accept the results as announced.

R. Qosja:                         Generally speaking the organisational arrangements have been good, with one exception: the delay in issuing identity cards.  The people thought they would have their identity card for the elections, as had initially been promised in the spring, and with it they also hoped they would have a travel document.

G. Dedaj:                         We have always criticised the fact that the Central Election Commission was politicised and partial.  We believe that the Commission should be made up of independent professionals, whereas three parties – LBD, LDK and PDK – sit on it.  There was no reason to do these political parties a favour.  We are critical of the Interim Administration for the same reason: it includes representatives of the same three parties, but none from the others.

                                         We also condemn the media’s attitude towards us.  We can organise what we like, issue all the press releases we like, but nothing is published in the media.  We are victims of bias and we wonder whether in the end we shouldn’t simply withdraw our candidates and not fight the elections.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

CEEOM: What is the place of these elections in your political strategy and what are your priorities at the municipal level?

I. Rugova:                       Local problems are ones of infrastructure of varying degrees of seriousness.  Employment is a problem too: an 80% unemployment rate will breed discontent.  We must stimulate the local economy by developing existing enterprises (timber industry at Istog, metals at Skenderaj) and creating new small and medium-sized ones.  We lack investment, and exports run up against legal problems (such as the name and provenance of Suharekë wine – is Kosovar or Yugoslav? Ought it to be called Unmik?)

H. Thaçi:                         We will try to win victory in every municipality, and where we do not win, we will form a constructive opposition.  Our first step will be to talk to the local population to ascertain their needs.  We will go out into the villages and into the streets and draw up individualised platforms.

K. Jashari:                      We are going to try and fight a neighbourhood campaign in the villages and in the various districts of the towns.

R. Haradinaj:                  We are much more prepared than the others to commit ourselves to securing better results in all fields.  Our days are long.  Our party was set up on 2 May 2000 and will not vanish on 28 October, the day of the election.  We are going to restore life, set up administrations to serve the people, identify their needs, create room for development by giving priority to electricity and water supply.  We are going to set out to create jobs and boost family enterprises.

N. Maloku:                      Our party is young, having been founded in March 2000.  We have not yet been exposed to criticism.  We are going to organise ourselves over the next few days.  We have no contacts with sister parties abroad.

                                         We have 15 branches and two “Establishing Councils”. Our candidates will take part in the Elections in 16 municipalities.  We have some strong personalities among our candidates, and we give considerable freedom to the party representatives at municipal level to draw up platforms geared to their localities. 

R. Qosja:                         We have been fighting for freedom and independence for ten years.  Now we are faced with a new situation.  We are working for the moral rebirth of Kosovo, we are working to build values, to determine civic duties.  Democracy is more than just a procedure; it is also a type of relationship between people and a conception of society.  We are for order, justice and truth: no one has the right to tell lies!

                                         We have a general platform in the form of a book and special platforms for the individual municipalities.

G. Dedaj:                         We shall be aiming at success in every municipality, where we will be bringing the message of liberalism.  We need democratically elected local authorities which deal with everyday problems such as water supply, electricity supply, health and security.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

CEEOM: The law provides that 30% of the first 15 places on the parties’ lists must be for women candidates.

Do you consider this requirement to be excessive?

What conclusions do you draw from the significant recruitment of women for this campaign?

I. Rugova:                       It was a good move to require that women be strongly represented on the party lists.  In our party we have always had women’s groups studying their specific problems.  Women are now integrated in the branches.  We had no difficulty in finding women candidates, and we are going to have more women in our ranks.

H. Thaçi:                         (The question was not asked.)

K. Jashari:                      25% of our party’s members are women, and we have had no difficulty in finding candidates.  Several of them are taking part in training courses.

R. Haradinaj:                  The 30% requirement is not excessive, and we have many qualified women in our party; the requirement has helped us.

N. Maloku:                      We have been able to comply with the requirement.  27% of all our candidates are women.  It is a fact that they find it more difficult to play an active part in the campaign, but this is nothing new.

R. Qosja:                         We have met the requirement, which could have been even more stringent.  Women are still not involved enough.  Action by men is meaningless without action by women.  In the campaign they could be still more active; they do not spontaneously put themselves forward.

G. Dedaj:                         The requirement was a good thing and might have been even more stringent.  Albanian society is by nature conservative and patriarchal.  In some municipalities women candidates are not welcome, but in several we have many women candidates and believe that women have a major part to play in rebuilding Albanian society.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

CEEOM: How are you going to finance your campaign, and do you agree with the principle of financial support from other countries for the campaign?

(See the parties’ statements about their financial resources and the apportionment of the funds provided by four governments, Appendix …)

I. Rugova:                       The LDK has a solid, stable majority and will fight a calm campaign, which has already started in some municipalities and will soon open in Prishtinë.  We have funds collected from the Diaspora and from our members to finance our campaign.  We are not in a position to finance our campaign from our own resources, but we are not opposed to small parties’ being given financial support.

H. Thaçi:                         (The question was not asked. )

K. Jashari:                       The Social Democratic Party is a relatively small party with 35,000 members.  Its financial resources are very limited, and it would not refuse support from other countries.

R. Haradinaj:                  The parties have no money, and the money that is arriving is arriving too late; we have had to do what we can to get by.

N. Maloku:                      The financial assistance some countries have given is very important for the small parties.  Our own resources are not enough for the equipment we need for the campaign.  Enabling the small parties to take part is a great service to democracy.

R. Qosja:                         (The question was not asked. )

G. Dedaj:                         We do not engage in wheeling and dealing like the other parties.  Our financial affairs are transparent and clean: to finance our campaign we have only our members’ contributions.  The rental on our office costs us DEM 2,200.  We appreciate the financial assistance the Austrian NGO EPOS has given us, which has enabled us to have posters printed.

B.                MINORITIES AND THEIR INTEGRATION IN MUNICIPALITIES

CEEOM: How are you going to integrate the various minorities in the municipalities you win?

To this end, ought not elections to have been organised in the villages too?

I. Rugova:                       Our party included in the previous elections candidates who were Serbs and Bosnians, as well as a representative of the Turkish minority. As Serbs are not participating in the coming elections, they will be nominated by SRSG.

H. Thaçi:                         Our party’s members include Turks, Ashkalis, Bosnians and perhaps Serbs.  I have myself visited the Bosnian minorities in Pejë and Ashkali minorities in Ferizaj.

K. Jashari:                      We have party members of Turkish and Bosnian origin; we are not a nationalist party.  We will accept the people designated by Mr Kouchner to represent the Serbs, since the Serbs have decided not to take part in the elections.

                                         But our position is clear: we support Kosovo’s having its own specific institutions, and minorities will have to conform to them.

                                         As regards possible elections at sub-municipal level, we have no objection, on condition that they do not result in enclaves that would try to break away from the established institutions.

R. Haradinaj:                  Our party has no problem with the minorities.  We cooperate with the Serbs, as we do in Pejë with the Bosnians and elsewhere with the Goranis and Ashkalis.

                                         As regards the possibility of elections at sub-municipal level grouping four or five villages together, I think that is premature and would demand a great deal of work.

N. Maloku:                      These are truly local elections.  As I see it, the municipal level corresponds properly to the powers assigned.  Moreover, we are used to these territorial divisions.

R. Qosja:                         All the citizens of Kosovo must be afforded the same rights.  Albanians constitute the vast majority and as such have a responsibility to ensure the safety and security of all representatives of the minorities.

                                         Should we go down to a level beneath that of the present municipalities?  We perhaps need to reconsider the current territorial division, but to have power and responsibilities exercised at village level would be a new departure for us.

G. Dedaj:                         I am opposed to any spirit of revenge.  Even though 12 members of my family died during the war, I shall struggle to secure integration.  The Serbs cannot be our hostages for years.

C.                THE LIMITED RESOURCES OF THE FUTURE MUNICIPALITIES

CEEOM: How do you see the financing of politics at the municipal level: is it conceivable for a proportion of the 3% paid over previously as a voluntary solidarity contribution to be allocated to the municipalities?

In the present circumstances it might seem desirable for there to be a regrouping of forces after the elections to provide a measure of stability and rally the people: which political grouping might you consider allying with?

I. Rugova:                       As you know, the 3% contribution ceased at the start of the war; to re-establish it and apportion it as you suggest would require a consensus.  80% of it were covered by the population resident in Kosovo and 20% by those living abroad, and that made it possible to pay for all the services the parallel society needs in order to function.  Central government will certainly have to provide financial support for the municipalities, but the latter will also have to have the power to levy charges and perhaps taxes.  Enterprises, which make money, should have to pay taxes to the municipalities.

                                         The political parties we feel closest to are the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats.

H. Thaçi:                         The 3% tax ended when the war started.  It was used for many things, bad things; it helps Bota Sot and benefits the LDK campaign.  We are unlike this party, because it still regards Kosovo as a part of Serbia.

                                         As regards possible alliances, we will see to that after the elections.  We are standing in these elections under our own banner.    As to a possible link-up with the AAK, it must be stressed that the PDK no longer has the slightest trace of military structures, even though many of our members took part in the war.  Our structures are totally transparent, and we are not a left-wing party.

K. Jashari:                      We are not seeking power at any price; alliances must be formed on a sound basis.  We will see which alliances are favourable to the policy we would like to see implemented.  We are opposed to extremism.  Until the LDK changed, we were quite close to it.

R. Haradinaj:                  It would be good if we could again have the 3%, publicly managed.  We must boost the sense of solidarity which exists.  We must restore confidence so as to be able to pay for the police, postal services and hospitals.  Leaving taxes aside, we can see that in some towns ordinary citizens are joining forces at district level to collect money and provide certain services for themselves.  As far as possible alliances are concerned, we shall wait and see until after the elections.  With the proportional representation system, the strongest party will take the mayoralty.

N. Maloku:                      The tax should be institutionalised and set at 5%; it would no longer be voluntary but compulsory.  It could be retained on an optional basis for Kosovars outside of Kosovo.  The electorate understands that taxes have to be paid.  We are only proposing what we know we can do.  Protecting the environment and boosting the production of building materials.  We are fairly much in favour of the right to organise municipal referenda as in Switzerland.

                                         As regards possible alliances, we are very open-minded: it will be up to the municipal branches to decide which alliances they want to enter into.  We have good relations with the Greens and the Social Democrats. 

R. Qosja:                         We ask ourselves the same question as you.  Everyone talks about things that need doing without thinking about the money needed to do them.  It would certainly be a good idea to revive the 3% solidarity levy you mention.

                                         Our movement is in fact a coalition for independence made up of the Democratic Union movement, of which I am President, and the Albanian Liberal Party, whose President is G. Rapi.  We are a centre party and, as a liberal movement, we are close to N. Maloku.  G. Dedaj’s Liberal Party is closer to the LDK.

G. Dedaj:                         (The question was not asked.)

D.                YOUR VIEW ON THE TERRITORIAL ISSUE AND YOUR RELATIONS WITH ALBANIANS IN NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES

I. Rugova:                       We have been working for Kosovo and its future for 15 years now.  I do not have many contacts with Albanian politicians in neighbouring countries.  Although I supported Sali Berisha initially, I cannot endorse current Albanian policy.  It can even be said that the serious trouble which broke out following the collapse of the pyramids in 1997 and the ensuing and ongoing political paralysis have damaged the Kosovar cause.  The LDK will not be campaigning outside Kosovo.

H. Thaçi:                         I want above all to ensure the security of Kosovo.  I am worried by what is happening or might happen on our borders that might destabilise us.

K. Jashari:                      We have no direct contacts with socialists in the neighbouring countries, and in particular none with the Serbs.  We do sometimes happen to meet abroad, for instance in Berlin two years ago at a gathering organised by the Ebert Foundation.

R. Haradinaj:                  We obviously have sympathisers in surrounding countries, but we are not seeking to reach beyond the frontier in this campaign.  In the future we might give thought to setting up branches abroad.

                                         We don’t need Greater Albania.  Spiritual Albania has long existed, but Greater Albania would be difficult to administer.  What matters now is to create a Kosovo whose economy is healthy and which is beneficial to all Albanians, wherever they may be living.

N. Maloku:                      We must hope for stabilisation of the situation in Macedonia and in Albania, alongside which Kosovo can live and wants to live democratically.  As far as Montenegro is concerned, we want to see it become independent, as this would be of benefit to the Albanians living there.

R. Qosja:                         Our party has no relations with any outside.  Although he was the author of “The Albanian Question”, R. Qosja made no comment on Albania.

G. Dedaj:                         We are members of the Liberal International and have frequent meetings at European level.  I met Mr Kinkel on his recent visit to Kosovo, and a short time ago we received a delegation of Swiss parliamentarians from the same party as ours.  We have good relations with the Liberal Parties of Macedonia, Albania and Montenegro.  We want to see a democratic Albania and a democratic Kosovo.

E.                YOUR RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES

I. Rugova:                       There is no dishonour to the United States and no indifference on my part when I say that I have received invitations to various meetings in the USA but that  I have not accepted them all, for example the one to the Democratic Convention, because I felt that my primary duty was to be here; but I was at Airlie House.

H. Thaçi:                         The Americans trust me because I keep my word.  We are where we say we are, we honour our undertakings and we defend the same values of freedom and democracy.

R. Haradinaj:                  I was not invited to Airlie House, but the Alliance was represented by Mr Ceku.  I was also invited to the Democratic Convention, but I thought it ill-advised to go there; however, I did accept the invitation from the Albanian-American League.

K. Jashari:                      (The question was not asked.  Mrs Jashari was at Airlie House.)

N. Maloku:                      (The question was not asked.  Mr Maloku was at Airlie House.)

R. Qosja:                         My party’s relations with the United States are very good.  I was invited to Airlie House but was unable to go.

G. Dedaj:                         Quite unpleasantly, our party was not invited to the Airlie House meeting, the pretext being that “we should not cause any problems”.

F.                 YOUR COMMITMENT AGAINST VIOLENCE

I. Rugova:                       We are obviously concerned about violence and are one of its foremost victims.  We call for protection for our candidates after what has happened, especially the events near Istog.  Rexhep Qosja is wrong to say that the victims we deplore were not killed for political reasons.

H. Thaçi:                         We signed the Airlie House resolution and confirmed our undertakings in Prishtinë.

K. Jashari:                      This violence is unacceptable in our society, and perhaps we do not react strongly enough against its manifestations.  Responsibilities in the fight against violence should be clarified.  The murder of Prishtinë’s chief town planner, Mr Luci, and that of the journalist Popova were despicable.  So as not to inflame the situation, we refused to claim that the physical elimination of Mr Popova, who was our party’s candidate in Vushtrri, was politically motivated.

R. Haradinaj:                  We signed the Airlie House declaration.  In a quite different field, however, it would be absolutely vital for the people of Kosovo to have identity cards.  Is it normal for there still to be today a majority of the population on whom no check can be made?  We support transparency in all fields.

N. Maloku:                      As a small party we cannot play a major role in this field, and we have not been victims of acts of violence.

R. Qosja:                         We have repeatedly and publicly condemned the use of violence.  Kosovo’s standing and reputation are at stake.

G. Dedaj:            (The question was not asked.)

Appendix III

Political parties’ comments

11.       Gradanska Iniciativa Gore              (GIG)

The Citizens’ Initiative of Gora (GIG) is made up of democratically oriented individuals whose primary aim is to stay and live in Gora.  Since displaced persons from this area pay the highest price of war, the GIG will work to support their return home, and the social integration of all those who have decided to stay in Gora.

In accordance with the highest standards of UNMIK, OSCE and Council of Europe, GIG will also support the implementation of human rights and freedoms, justice, equality, peace, tolerance, overall safety of the people, and co-existence with Albanians and all other ethnic groups living in this area.

If you are democratically oriented, and in favour of equality and the rule of law, and if you want a community of free and equal citizens, join us so that we can achieve our goals and return dignity to Gora and its citizens.

12.       Bosnjacka Stranka Demokratske Akcije Kosova              (BSDAK)

            Hiljmo Kandic

BSDAK aims to affirm the Bosniac identity through active democracy, every day life and co-operation with all national communities in Kosovo.  BSDAK emphasises man as free individual with rights and equalities regardless of religion, nationality, language, social status, and political beliefs.  BSDAK supports the promotion of Bosniac human rights, and recognises the rights of the majority Albanian population and all other ethnic communities in Kosovo.

BSDAK points out the following specific, concrete tasks that should be dealt with urgently:  keeping the united Kosovo a democratic state for all citizens; available education in the Bosniac mother tongue, in accordance with the unique plan and program for Kosovo; standard social security for all citizens; employment and return of Bosniacs to their former employment; creating conditions for the return of displaced Bosniacs; ensuring representation of Bosniacs in government bodies, justice department, and KPC; active co-operation with UNMIK, OSCE and KFOR.

13.       Partia Demokratike e Kosoves         (PDK)

            Hashim Thaci

Created after the transformation of the KLA, PDK has members who have actively been dealing with the political dimension of a solution for Kosova before and during the war.  PDK is engaged in clearing the path to freedom, independence, and democracy for the people of Kosova.

PDK is engaged in creating ethnic tolerance and integration in Europe.

PDK’s other commitments are: improving the infrastructure, healthcare and education of the population, care for the elderly, creating jobs, women’s emancipation, and increasing productivity.

On the economic side, PDK will concentrate on improving small and medium-sized enterprises to stimulate farmers to increase productivity.  PDK will emphasize regulation of the urban space.

Bearing in mind the fact that, in its membership, PDK has experts in the above mentioned fields, it won’t be difficult to realise these goals.  We will solve the problems for the people of Kosova.

14.       Partia Republikane e Kosoves         (PRK)

            Feti Grapci

We are working for tolerance, security, development, employment and the future.  We believe in our nation and we will support every individual that has a clear vision of building a pluralistic democracy in Kosova.

We are engaged in creating safe living conditions for all citizens of Kosova.

           

We aim to develop Kosova’s economy.  We will try to create existential security for the poor, war veterans, the handicapped and the mentally ill.  We will create employment for the youth while trying to give the elderly a well-deserved and peaceful old age.

           

We believe that education should be stimulated by the state budget; that the future of the citizens of Kosova lies in their right for self-governance and Kosova’s integration in the European Union.

           

We will continue to fight negative aspects of life in Kosova: prostitution, drugs, violence, organised crime.

16.       Levizja Nacionaldemokratike Shqiptare    (LNDSH)

            Kajtaz Fazlia

LNDSH is committed to advancing the issue of Kosova’s definite status; the right for self-determination for the people of Kosova; pluralistic system; genuine democracy and civil society; free and democratic elections; reconstruction of government bodies at all levels; a comprehensive decentralisation of society; free economic values system; economic and social reconstruction; engagement of foreign capital and ideas; free circulation of goods, capital, people, information; reconstruction of Kosova’s infrastructure; a genuine educational system; the development of science; the improvement of the quality of life in a civilised, democratic and pluralistic society; for an independent army, police and judicial system; freedom of the press; cultural and national cultivation of values and traditions; incorporation of women in social events; comprehensive protection and progress of the family as a fundamental institution of society; free expression of religious beliefs; protection of the environment.

17.       Partia Liberale e Kosoves     (PLK)

            Gjergj Dedaj

PLK is the first and only political party in Kosova that bases its activities on the basic values and principles of western liberal democracy built on prosperity, security, justice and equality for all Kosovar citizens irrespective of their ethnicity, religion, gender and political affiliation.

PLK is committed to the creation of a free market economy, private property and the capitalist system in Kosova.  PLK believes that Kosovars should be able to travel freely without visas.  After the transitory period of the UNMIK Administration, Kosovars should hold a referendum to determine Kosova’s final political status based on the people’s right to self-determination and freedom of expression as democratic instruments for the future of every nation.

PLK is dedicated to social and political emancipation of Kosovar women, educational reforms, creation of job vacancies, improvement of living standards, and social services for war invalids.

PLK OPENS NEW HORIZONS TOWARD EUROATLANTIC STRUCTURES!

18.       Aleanca per Ardhmerine e Kosoves            (AAK)

          Ramush Haradinaj     

The AAK is a coalition composed of the LKCK, PPK, LPK, UNIKOMB, AQK and USHDK.

AAK is working to normalise every citizen’s life, and to realise the state of Kosova; to improve the rule of law, for an economy based on the resources and workforce of the country, as well as using foreign capital to benefit of accelerated development.

AAK offers the best solution for Kosova and its youth.  We guarantee protection of human rights and freedoms conforming to highest international standards, regardless of ethnic, cultural or political background.

Crime is gangrene in society-we will eliminate it.

The retired and disabled, as well as families in need, are part of our society; they will be assisted through the system of social protection that we are setting up.

AAK knows the aim.  AAK knows how to secure the future of Kosova.

19.       Mitrovica Turk Toplumu     (MTT)

MTT is committed to upholding basic human rights and equality for all people, especially ethnic minorities.  We support freedom of thought, establishment of democracy and economic progress, and greater employment.  Our goal is the establishment of peace between peoples, freedom of thought, and freedom for Kosovo.  We are dedicated to establishing the equality of the Turkish language, education in the Turkish language in those areas where there is a great concentration of the Turkish minority.  We are committed to preventing the assimilation of Turkish peoples and ending the exodus of Turks from Kosovo.  We want to see the flag of the Turkish minority represented at all state and religious holidays.  MTT supports the idea that all citizens of Kosovo freely express their national, religious and political thoughts.  We believe that every individual, without exception, has the right to freedom of expression, especially in the forms of radio, television and print media.

20.        Partia Socialdemokrate e Kosoves      (PSDK)

       Kaqusha Jashari

PSDK is a European oriented party whose aim is to build a modern society and a democratic system in Kosova, based on the proven model of the European social democracy.  PSDK will achieve equality for the people, along with tolerance and solidarity with all nations, through democratic means.

Kosova has many national, political and economic problems.  Granting Kosova’s citizens the right to self-governance is the only democratic solution to these problems.  We are engaged in building the independent, sovereign state of Kosova, based on the idea that equal status will be guaranteed to all nationalities.

Applying modern technology, PSDK is engaged in the general development of Kosova’s economy, based on the rational and intensive usage of natural and human resources.

PSDK is determined to respect the local governance that is elected in the free elections.

                       

21.       Partia Balli Kombetar-Demokrat I Kosoves          (PBKD)

            Elhami Dautaga

The PBKD supports: the unification of all Albanian lands in one single state, powerful legislation, political emancipation of right wing parties, co-operation with all other political parties.  PBKS will not accept racist, communist and fascist ideas, and will abide by all international acts that respect the national and human rights of Albanians.  We will find a rightful solution for the inviolable treatment of private property; respect freedom of opinion and political pluralism; treat all citizens equally before the law, regardless of age, religion, gender, nationality, race.  PBKD supports the independent, free press, the implementation of reforms in the economic, political and social spheres, and the right of retired persons to receive pensions.  Being a nationalistic party, our aim is to economically integrate all Albanian lands and establish railways and airlines to Albania, in particular.  PBKD will fight prostitution, drug abuse, hooliganism and criminal activity.         

22.       Kosova Turk Halk Partisi    (KTHP)

            Sezair Saipi

KTHP is oriented towards the realisation of a multiethnic environment where all the rights of every ethnicity will be recognised.  In particular, KTHP is committed to the realisation of cultural specifics of every ethnicity, as well as mother tongue education in areas where the number and concentration of the ethnicity makes this possible.

           

KTHP is a supporter of the free market economy and the privatisation of all economic sectors except those of strategic interest, which should be state-owned.  KTHP considers that public education should be free of charge and available for all ethnicities in their mother tongue.

           

KTHP considers the right of Kosovars to self-determination as an inalienable right, and is committed to establishing peace in the region and to incorporating Kosova into international bodies.

           

KTHP is especially dedicated to the revitalisation of the Turkish language press.

23.       Iniciativa Qytetare te Pavarurit e Mitrovices          (IQPM)

IQPM believes that socio-political life should be organised based on democratic principles; that Mitrovica should be unified; that Kosova should move towards independence; that hostages must be released from Serbian prisons; that war criminals must be brought to justice.  

IQPM supports the revitalisation of the Trepca-based economy in Mitrovica; that all workers forced to leave their jobs be allowed to return; that new jobs must be created; education for all citizens in their mother tongue; the establishment of a university in Mitrovica; creation of social security for all citizens; the protection of historical monuments.

           

IQPM is committed to creating a functional judicial system; freedom of the press; rebuilding destroyed houses; providing health care for all citizens of Mitrovica; building a garbage dump and promoting sanitation; co-operating, on all levels, with other municipalities in Kosova and beyond.

24.       Partia e te Gjelberve e Kosoves       (PGJK)

            Daut Maloku

PGJK is dedicated to: building a parliamentary democracy with a tolerant society; holding democratic elections; developing the market economy; building the economic, institutional and political independence of Kosova, and its integration into Europe; co-operation with the international community; respecting the human rights of all minorities; effective planning of urban spaces; giving priority to air and railroad transport; supervising the pollution of the ground, water and air; protecting the environment, bio-diversity and the improvement of natural conditions; utilising natural resources in accordance with ecological norms and standards; solidarity between humans and nature; applying the modern ecological legislative strategy; modern educational reforms; social security and social support; health care for everyone; improving the public health to prevent AIDS, drug abuse, cancer, alcoholism and smoking; fighting corruption and crime; giving youth and culture a place in civil society.

25.       Unioni Socialdemokrat         (USD)

            Luljeta Pula Beqiri

USD is committed to the independence of Kosova without partition; to the unification of Mitrovica; to the prevention of the creation of enclaves; delivering war criminals to the Hague Tribunal; releasing war hostages from Serbia; creating political stability and tolerance in Kosova; establishing democratic institutions and a viable judicial system; providing moral and material support to the KPC and a future Kosova Army; holding national elections at the soonest possible date; the re-proclamation of a referendum on independence; a higher level of efficiency on the part of UNMIK and KFOR; an increase in the number of both international and local police forces; moral, economic and social renewal of Kosova; finding institutional care for war invalids; social care for the poor, unemployed, retired, disabled and orphans; promoting the larger involvement of women in the social and political life of Kosova.

26.       Partia Demokratike Ashkali Shqiptare e Kosoves             (PDASHK)

            Sabit Rrahmoni

PDASHK is dedicated to the formation of a society that guarantees equal rights regardless of gender, race and colour; no discrimination under the law, and no politically-biased judicial system.

PDASHK wants to contribute to creating peace and freedom in this region, and to protecting the environment, plays a vital role for humanity.

PDASHK supports the protection of Albanian national issues and the integration of Kosova in the European Union and in NATO.  We believe that only the independence of Kosova will lead to peace and stability in the Balkans and in Europe.  We don’t agree with Serbia’s sovereignty over Kosova, but we will support all initiatives by political parties that look for peace, safety, stability and co-operation.  Creating peace is not only the duty of state leaders, but also that of all the people in the world to eliminate enmity.

27.       Koalicioni Per Pavaresi        (KP)

Rexhep Qosja

KP has two main aims: independence for Kosova and democracy for Kosova.  KP supports the presence of the international community in Kosova, and is taking big part in the joint administrative structures.  KP is engaged in the formation of an open, modern, free and human society, which will promote living in tolerance and democracy. KP urges respect for human rights of minorities in Kosova, equality between the sexes and greater participation of women in political and economic life. KP believes in a market economy, fighting corruption and crime, development of agriculture through proper usage of land, and reformation of the educational system based on scientific and technological developments.  We are dedicated to protecting war veterans, providing pensions to all retired persons, and creating conditions in which every Kosovar can live from his work, his salary and his pension.  KP wants to bring european standards and values to Kosova.

28.       Partia Shqiptare Demokristiane e Kosoves            (PSHDK)

Mark Krasniqi

PSHDK is committed to both protecting and providing the peace in Europe, and to establishing the new international order; for broad and comprehensive institution building of government structures in compliance with Kosova’s first free and pluralistic elections.  PSHDK will abide by the 1991 Referendum for an independent and sovereign Kosova after the phase marked by Resolution 1244 has ended.

PSHDK representatives will undertake co-operation with KFOR and UNMIK, KTC, IAC and other structures of interest.  In this context, PSHDK is also committed to co-operation and co-ordination with all Albanian political parties, first and foremost to support the progress of KPC and KPS.  PSHDK will help to resolve the status of disabled KLA servicemen and retirees.

PSKDK will work on the reconstruction of Kosova’s economy and its privatisation.  This economy should be a market economy in conformity with Western European standards.

29.       Stranka Demokratske Akcije Kosova         (SDA)

            Dr. Numan Balic

SDA fully supports: a righteous solution for the Kosovo crisis and the rights of all nationalities living in Kosovo.  In the past, SDA has reacted many times against the violation of human rights and freedoms of Albanians, Bosniacs and other non-Serbian nationalities by Milosevic’s regime.  Now, SDA energetically supports actions against violence and criminal activity, protection of basic human rights, development of an unbiased media, and creating conditions for living in Kosovo.  We will work on the recognition of rights of Bosniacs, protection of minority rights, participation of Bosniacs in the Interim Administration, Police, Justice Department and TMK.  One of our basic aims is to create conditions for employment and a satisfactory educational system so that the people can work, study and live from their work, together with all the communities and good people in Kosovo.

30.       Partia Liberal-Demokratike e Kosoves                   (PLDK)

PLDK pursues freedom for individuals, freedom of ideas and capital, free debate, justice, equality, and the creation of a positive, democratic political system in Kosova.  PLDK believes that Kosova’s Constitution will be determined by the constitutional position of Kosova.  There can be no other just and lasting solution without respecting the will of the majority population, the independence of Kosova.

PLDK will co-operate closely with UNMIK and KFOR because the party believes that this co-operation is in the best interest of Kosova and the whole region.

PLDK supports an economic system based on a free market economy, private and public property, and the economic integration of Kosova into the European Union; creating welfare conditions and social support for every individual; creating an educational system which will assist in development of the new generation.  PLDK supports freedom of artistic creativity based on the law.

31.       Partia Nacionale Demokratike Shqiptare   (PNDSH)

Rexhep Abdullahu

The permanent objective of PNDSH is a pluralistic system, free market and permanent cultivation of democracy.

The PNDSH party program cultivates tradition and family as essential issues for civil society.  PNDSH is committed to renewing and enriching old democratic alliances, and to seeking new alliances with the goal of regional stability.

PNDSH operates towards total equality-legal, economic, political-of all citizens, regardless of their national, religious, racial or ideological affiliation.

Through political, diplomatic and democratic means, PNDSH is committed to achieving the integration of Albanians into a free Europe, and having them live together like all the other nations in Europe.

PNDSH does not co-operate with fascist, racist, terrorist and communist parties which organise themselves for aggressive purposes, attempting to endanger the existence of both their own nation and others.

The program and statute of PNDSH can be adjusted to the present political and economic circumstances.

32.       Partia Qendra Liberale e Kosoves               (PQLK)

Naim Maloku

PQLK aims to cultivate the freedom of expression, tolerance and diversity; the free circulation of people, productions, ideas, business services and capital.  PQLK is engaged in the protection of the rights of all ethnic groups according to international standards and conventions; in the formation of an open society in which family care and female representation in political and social life is established.  PQLK aims to achieve the independence of Kosova, and its integration in the European Union, while following a pragmatic and balanced politics in accordance with the conditions of the international administration.  We are dedicated to saving Kosova’s cultural, national and religious identity.  PQLK is committed to guaranteeing and protecting state and private property, and is engaged in a variety of property issues.  Exchanging, changing, expropriation and compensation of property owners should conform to the laws of a market economy.

33.       Partia Republikane Shqiptare         (PRSH)

PRSH has long been active in the political, humanitarian and military spheres.  Its main political activities have been the founding of branches and sub-branches, and varied bi-lateral co-operation with other Albanian and international party contacts.  The main humanitarian activities of PRSH have been the founding of the so-called “popular ambulances” and “popular kitchens,” as well as providing medical assistance to patients.  Main military activities were the moral, material and physical preparation of our members for war, and participation of our members in the UCK.  Since the KFOR arrival in Kosova, we have been concentrating on founding democratic institutions and rebuilding our fatherland, Kosova, despite many obstacles and misunderstandings.  We hope to realise our ideals and dreams in creating a second real Albanian state within Eastern Europe, which will fully respect and guarantee all human and cultural rights to each person and all minorities.

34.       Lidhja Demokratike e Kosoves        (LDK)

            Ibrahim Rugova

Founded on December 23, 1989, LDK has been harmonising and integrating positive energies directed towards the unification of the Albanian people without interfering in the rights of others. LDK is committed to the creation of an independent and democratic state of Kosova which will have: free market economy, defence of private property, free citizens initiatives, free circulation of capital and ideas, foreign investments and integration of the economy into European and world economic structures, contemporary education and mother tongue education at all levels, authentic culture development, fair social policy and health care for all citizens, guaranteed minority rights according to European and world standards, genuine co-operation with all political bodies both inside and outside of Kosova, building good alliances with neighbour countries, inclusion into NATO, the EU and other North-Atlantic structures, and transforming Kosova into a stabilising factor in the region.

35.       Hasan Sadriu             Gjakove

If the electorate casts its votes for me, I will be committed to: social and political welfare, and tolerance between all political factions.  As a supporter of the most advanced ideas, I shall represent the opinion of intellectuals and those without political affiliation.  I will be persistent in my commitment to undertake activities against crime, smuggling, corruption and drugs.  I will be committed to building a rural society that has roads, bridges, water and sewage supply, health, telecommunication and an adequate educational system.  The motto of my political activity in all spheres of life is gender equality, the struggle against majority-over-minority rule, nepotism, meritocracy, and clans.  I will be committed to consulting and reviewing the requests of candidates from my electorate, as well as from the entire voting population.  I require transparency for all public officials.

36.       Sakip Makasqi           Prizren

I plan to turn Prizren into a European city.  This is not easy after such a long period of mismanagement by the occupier who stopped us.  Taking into consideration the fact that we are a working nation with great desire for progress, this doesn’t sound like a difficult task.  With many qualified men who weren’t involved in building the country, we have big chances.  I am ready to engage and organise these people to rebuild the city.  This cannot be achieved without a political movement that would unite all the parties for the sake of prosperity.  In this, I see myself as a neutral person who can be successful.  With a solution of the political problem, we can create public order, which plays the main role in rebuilding the city.  I will fight crime with all available means.

37.       Agim Hyseni              Podujeve

My political program is based on the right to free choice, freedom of the press, that Kosova should be multi-ethnic and democratic, that all citizens should have equal rights, that rule of law should be established as soon as possible.  I support economic development, the renovation of infrastructure, the increase of employment opportunities, people’s sovereignty and respect for minority communities.  I am committed to pluralism, tolerance, equal treatment in front of the law-regardless of ethnicity, language, gender, nationality, free and fair elections.  I shall strive to make special efforts to ensure that human rights are not violated, to ensure co-operation with international organisations, to ensure non-violation of residence and movement.  I believe that citizens have the right to  employment, salary, education and property.  I will especially pay attention to our undeveloped municipality’s roads, telephone network, vehicle parking lots, agriculture, slaughterhouses and agriculture.

38.       Gani Selman Krasniqi          Malisheve

            During my mandate, I intend to fulfill the following objectives: to create a good rapport among people, among parties and among nationalities.  This means protecting human rights based on all international conventions.  I will work for the nation and for an independent Kosova, based in the new democratic world order, and to rebuild the country destroyed by war and Serb occupation.  This program includes rebuilding burned houses, building roads and infrastructure, building premises for healthcare, culture, sports and tourism.  I will direct my attention towards protecting children, orphans and endangered families, creating security for citizens and their property, fighting crime and corruption and enforcing law and order with a strong police force.  Women’s emancipation will be one of my priorities.  I will also create an urban project, develop the industry based on the resources Malisheva possesses, decrease unemployment, invest into the private sector, and assist and support all NGOs.

39.       Sevdije Hysenaj-Sadiku        Suhareke

I am interested in carrying out activities with women’s social organisations because, in this respect, very little, or no, work has been done.  Within our society, women have been neglected, and this issue has been-and continues to be-of particular concern to me.  It is my intention to deal with their problems: child-care and the life and education of women, in general.  Women should have the right to take part in political activities and make their own decisions concerning their destinies.  I will strive to deal with the problems of widowed women, especially the problems that face them in raising their children and providing education for them.  I am interested in working to help poor people, coming to understand the living conditions of widows, elderly and all those in need of humanitarian assistance.

40.       Selami Latifi              Gjilan

If elected, I will be committed to the following political program: the establishment of overall security for all citizens, the establishment of law and order in all aspects of life, promotion of normal living conditions for disabled, incapacitated and homeless war veterans, and the establishment of efficient public services.  I will also work on a total reformation of the educational system, building a sports and recreation centre, the encouragement of municipal economic development through better management of public enterprises, training of personnel and application of new technology.  In particular, I am dedicated to initiating the privatisation process on enterprises, supporting small business activities, improving and developing the infrastructure, roads, water and power supply network.  Especially, I will work on the modernisation of telecommunication services (landlines for the quarters and residences of the municipality)

41.       Avdyl H. Mazreku    Malisheve

As a deputy in the Municipal Council, I will insist that the Council apply decisions to these fields: rebuilding and the economy.  Winery: I will deal with the production of grapes and cherries, the legal statute of the workers, and financing for the production of alcoholic and non-alcoholic drinks.  Agriculture: I will advance agriculture production by providing modern machinery, quality seeds and fertiliser.  Industry: renew contact with the chemical and tyre corporation “Balkan” of Suhareke and secure means for building a construction factory.  Craftsmanship: stimulate owners to produce industrial and agricultural products.  Tourism: regulate the canyon “Mrusha,” and modernise the Banja pool.  I will give priority to rebuilding roads, the water system, establishing a functional sewer system in Malisheve.  I will put professionals at the head of municipal administrative organs, put judges in the municipal court, and create an office to deal with social issues.

42.       Avdullah Qafani                    Gjakove

I will engage myself to have no turbulence and violence in Kosova, to closely monitor the situation and not allow de-stabilisation to occur.  I will welcome every declaration that is a step forward on the long road to reconciliation.  I am aware that the circumstances are not good when wounds of the past are deep.  This means that there is much that cannot be achieved.  But the long and important process for the future of Kosova starts with these first, free elections.  I will engage myself to put pressure on Albanian political leaders, to not only formally speak out against violence, but to create conditions for building a real democratic and tolerant society.   Peace and security will be my priorities in my political engagement.  If I meet with success in this field, I will engage myself in those areas that have less success because of a lack of tolerance and co-operation.

43.       Halit Bislimi               Gjilan

I plan to realise the following projects: political stability through the democratisation of society and fell respect for human rights, establishment of conditions for the return of workers to their jobs, employment of the youth, economic development, promotion of a free market economy.  Infrastructure: building a roundabout city road, building the main Gjilan-Kumanove road, expanding the telecommunications network, building a sanatorium.  I am committed to reconstructing the buildings destroyed by the war, protecting the environment, providing healthcare and humanitarian assistance, providing financial assistance to retired persons, building a sports and recreation centre, providing equipment for laboratories and schools.  Also, I want to provide devices for practical work and the re-qualification of workers.  I want to establish broader political activity with the young people in order to establish new politicians in whom the traditional Balkan nationalist tendencies will not be present.

44.       Nysret Haxhiu           Prishtine

My political program, derived from the wish of Kosovars for peace, independence and co-existence, is based on these principles: ending the violence, freeing prisoners, supporting the families of war invalids, and assisting the KPC in organising and developing its programs.  I am committed to the protection of individual and collective rights, creating conditions of co-existence, tolerance, and the return of refugees, rebuilding Kosova according to European standards, and improving the living standards of the population.  I will promote the creation of new job opportunities, the activation of a modernization of existing capacities, starting the privatisation process, stimulating investment, providing the internet to Kosova, developing transport and communication according to world standards, and protecting the environment.  I strongly support the idea of an independent media, which will be integrated into the world information system, equality and integration for women at all state levels, and the development of sports.

45.       Ramadan Gashi                    Kamenice

My commitments are the full implementation of UNSC Resolution 1244, establishing peace, security and tolerance in our municipality, releasing all prisoners from jails, and the establishment of inter-ethnic tolerance.  I am dedicated to the identification and hand over of all war criminals to justice, a fast determination of Kosova’s political status in order to build a democratic society that will integrate into Europe.  I fully support the respect of human rights and freedoms, establishment of a judicial system, providing assistance to retired persons, and finding a solution for the lack of drinkable water and general reconstruction of the antiquated water and sewage supply system.  I will work on continued road reconstruction, the education of women and their participation in all spheres of life, employment and politics.  Efforts should be made for the resolution of the political status of Presheva, Bujanovc and Medvegja, and to Kosova’s defence.

46.       Ejup Qerimi               Gjilan

The program of my political commitment is based on the following: establishment of legal frameworks in Kosova, and their implementation at the municipal level; the law should be stronger than the individual; protection of basic human rights; protection and promotion of children’s rights; giving full support to the private initiative in the economic development of the municipality; the establishment of a municipal infrastructure for private investors; creating job vacancies in the private sector; supporting the process of privatisation of social and public enterprises; acceleration of the privatisation process; de-monopolisation of public enterprises such as PTK and KEK; the establishment of an appropriate climate for foreign investments in the municipality; and protection of the environment.

47.       Kimete Berisha          Suhareke

My program for the future will be: the democratisation of society in order that the people living in Kosova can exercise their rights and freedoms, the engagement of women in political, social and other activities so that the voices of women will be heard.  I will be committed to the employment of a greater number of women, which is the main condition to achieve women’s independence.  I will also be committed to having women become involved in many different social activities; to have women engaged in political and social activities through an active participation in political parties and other social associations.

48.       Skender Korenica                 Gjakove

Kosova, independent state-the best way towards tranquillisation in this part of the Balkans.  Upon the determination of Kosova’s status, genuine laws, covering all aspects of life, should be approved in order to rebuild a devastated economy, begin privatisation, provide guarantees for property and foreign investment.  We need to resolve the status of retired persons, reform the education and health systems.  Kosova should not miss this opportunity to build a modern, efficient administration at the municipal and general levels.  The third essential condition for general security is an efficient administration, judiciary, police, as well as an efficient Kosova Protection Corps.  Military, and other international community personnel, deployed in Kosova are regarded as if they are in their own homes.  The media should be promoting their work and activities in a broader manner, and should make efforts to make their position more comprehensible.

49.       Bislim Hoti                 Gjakove

I take full responsibility to exercise my duty and commitment to ensure basic human rights in the light of tolerance and religious co-existence.  In order to protect the dignity and prosperity of all national minorities for peace, welfare, cultural and social solidarity.  The sovereignty of Kosova belongs to the people of Kosova and, together with these people, we will build a Kosova that has always been an aspiration of the people.  We shall condemn all those inducing division or using violence while serving as state leaders.  We shall not allow games to be played over Kosova’s destiny or the blood of its martyrs.  We have a deep confidence that justice, peace, harmony and co-operation with all national minorities are the highest values of world-wide humanity

APPENDIX IV

Number of Registrants by Country

Number of Registrants by Municipalities

COUNTRY

No.

MUNICIPALITY

Mail-in

In-Person

1

Australia

8

1

DEÇAN/ DEČAN

1496

36

2

Austria

2 657

2

DRAGASH/ DRAGAŠ

507

81

3

Belgium

949

3

FUSHË KOSOVË/ KOSOVO POLJE

379

87

4

Bosnia

299

4

FERIZAJ/ UROSEVAC

2602

76

5

Bulgaria

1

5

GJAKOVË/ DJAKOVICA

2990

112

6

Canada

326

6

GJILANI/ GNJILANE

2890

64

7

Croatia

269

7

GLLOGOVC/ GLOGOVAC

692

20

8

Cypres

1

8

ISTOG/ ISTOK

1134

101

9

Czech Rep.

60

9

KAÇANIK/ KAČANIK

903

51

10

Denmark

361

10

KAMENICA/ KOS. KAMENICA

1210

8

11

Finland

269

11

KLINË/ KLINA

1116

89

12

France

936

12

LEPOSAVIQ/ LEPOSAVIČ

6

0

13

Germany

13 073

13

LIPJAN/ LIPLJAN

916

101

14

Greece

5

14

MALISHEVË/ MALIŠEVO

437

5

15

Iceland

11

15

MITROVICA/ KOS. MITROVICA

1725

125

16

Ireland

118

16

NOVO BËRDË/ NOVO BRDO

11

2

17

Italy

1 454

17

OBILIQ/ OBILIČ

348

23

18

Latvia

2

18

PEJA/ PEČ

2390

320

19

Liechtentein

50

19

PODUJEVË/ PODUJEVO

1222

12

20

Luxemburg

108

20

PRISHTINË/ PRIŠTINA

3362

246

21

Netherlands

211

PRIZREN/ PRIZREN

3330

75

22

New Zealand

47

21

RAHOVEC/ ORAHOVAC

1061

12

23

Norway

545

22

SHTIME/ ŠTIMJLE

459

8

24

Polen

3

23

SKENDERAJ/ SRBICA

780

29

25

Romonia

2

24

SHTËRPCE/ ŠTRPCE

88

0

26

Scotland

14

25

SUHAREKË/ SUVA REKA

1769

31

27

Slovakia

23

26

VITI/ VITINA

1373

13

28

Slovenia

704

27

VUSHTRRI/ VUČITRN

1030

36

29

Spain

11

28

ZUBIN POTOK/ ZUBIN POTOKU

7

0

30

Sweden

673

29

ZVEÇAN/ ZVEČAN

10

1

31

Switzerland

11 744

30

NO MUNICIPALITY

66

6

32

Thaiwan

1

31

NOT SCANNED

19

33

Turkey

113

34

UK (England)

611

35

USA

650

Total Mail-in

36 309

Total Mail-in

36 309

In-person

36

Albania

199

37

Macedonia

715

38

Montenegro

875

Total-In-person

1 789

Total-In-person

1 789

Total Registration

38 098

TOTAL REGISTRATION

38 098

Australia

9

Austria

2933

Belgium

630

Bulgaria

4

Canada

278

Croatia

68

Czech Rep.

67

Denmark

226

Finland

310

France

1001

Germany

25378

Greece

43

Iceland

8

Ireland

46

Italy

1329

Luxemburg

143

Netherlands

269

New Zealand

3

Norway

572

Slovenia

822

Sweden

1145

Switzerland

16715

Thailand

2

Turkey

49

UK

670

Poland

6

USA

555

BiH

15

Spain

10

Yu

2

Liechtenstein

5

Slovakia

2

Portugal

1

TOTAL

53316


[1] After the first round, results are definitive in 37 municipalities out of 65.  In 28 municipalities the Socialits obtained the majority and the Democrats in 9.