1000th meeting – 22 June 2007

State of Democracy in Europe – the role of the Council of Europe

Mr Vuk Jeremić, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, made the following statement:

“I am honoured to address you in my capacity as the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. Thanks in large part to the democratic values espoused by the Council, Europe as a whole is more stable, more secure, and more democratic than ever before in the history of our continent.

That is why it is such a pleasure to welcome you all to Belgrade on the occasion of the 1000th meeting of the Ministers’ Deputies. Today is a true milestone for the Council of Europe and the core values that frame its work. I am honored that you have chosen Belgrade, the capital of the Republic of Serbia, to be a part of it. 

On 5 May 1949, the treaty constituting the Statute of the Council of Europe was signed in London – at that time still consumed by the aftereffects of the Second World War. The Council rose from the rubble of the war of the century. And courageous and visionary men and women began to build this edifice of a Europe without dividing lines, that continues to become more real every passing day.

The Council of Europe will remain, well into the future, as the guardian of human rights, the sentry of democracy and the protector of the rule of law.

As you know, the slogan “One Europe, Our Europe” frames the priorities of the Serbian Chairmanship. We have defined our first priority as the promotion of the core values of the Council of Europe.

The second priority is enhancing the security of individuals. We are pursuing this priority through the intensification of multilateral and regional efforts at combating terrorism, organised crime, the trafficking of persons and drugs, and corruption – as well as working to prevent intolerance, exclusion, racism, domestic violence and other forms of discrimination.

The third is building a more tolerant, humane and inclusive Europe. An inclusive Europe is a Europe that helps empower local communities, and marginalised and vulnerable groups of all types, by establishing a level playing field for all.

Our fourth priority focuses on fostering the full and explicit European Union membership perspective of the Western Balkans.

Reflecting on the meaning of the slogan that represents the Serbian Chairmanship brings me to my next point. The theme of this morning’s session – the state of democracy in Europe: the role of the Council of Europe – is of fundamental importance for the future of each of the member-states. But this morning’s theme also serves a higher purpose. It serves to remind us that we have embarked, all of us together, on a journey toward a common future – One Europe – framed by the principles and values we all share – Our Europe – as our slogan affirms.

What is true of Europe as a whole is even more true of South-Eastern Europe. The wounds of division and strife are still raw here. The pain is still very real. The need for joining hands is quite acute.

So allow me to frame the issue of democratic values in the Balkans in its regional historical context.

In our long history, our citizens often failed to freely embrace the concept of working together for a common purpose. Our leaders were often unelected, and our elites out of touch. Sometimes not even the pretence of democracy was made. But even in periods of nominal democracy, instability and infighting were the masters of the day. The procedures were, to some extent, followed, but the spirit—the substance—of democracy was simply not there. Something was always missing: the values of democracy were missing.

A good illustration of what was missing in the region is to be found in the breakup of Yugoslavia during the 1990s. As the breakdown in central authority was gaining speed, a critical mass of the country’s inhabitants took to the streets, the barracks or the mountains. They did not believe that loyalty to state was foremost on the minds of their neighbours. When push came to shove, the ties of ethnicity became stronger than the ties of citizenship. A crucial reason for this was the absence of the core values of democracy. Had such values truly existed, the warmongers of the 1990s would not have had such an easy time unleashing the tribal hatreds that resulted in civil war and ethnic cleansing.

But now, for the first time in our history, a solid majority of the citizens of our various countries have chosen to work together. Something changed. Something profoundly changed. The tide had turned.

To say why exactly would take us away from the matter at hand. But what we do know is that elections are no longer being won by extremists and ultranationalists.

Perhaps it’s because we finally understood that democracy cannot succeed without a moral dimension.

A solid majority of our citizens now vote for parties whose explicit aim is to consolidate the idea of democracy, its institutions and its values – and not only at home, but throughout the region. We understand that we’re interlinked – and we’ve decided to embrace it.

Democracy is about equality, openness, pluralism and prosperity. It’s about a joint future – an idea held together by common values. It’s about human beings trying to justly live a purposeful, noble life.

Forming our community of states based on shared values also means that we respect our common European heritage. But it also means that we in the region – governments, the media, civil society, young people, political parties, all of us – encourage diversity as a source of strength and a force for greater cohesion.

Finally, it means building a democratic Europe free of division and strife, a Europe where reconciliation is a force for good change. Because even while it looks forward, European democracy cannot flourish without a full and open account of the past. That is why I believe that all countries in the region are truly committed to full and immediate cooperation with the ICTY. All indictees must be located, they must be arrested, and they must be extradited.

This brings me to my next point. Directly at least, values do not put food on the table. But they establish the framework within which economies can grow and countries can prosper.

The coming into force of CEFTA – the region’s free trade accord – in January this year, speaks directly to the point. Our goal is to facilitate regional trade liberalization and accelerate growth throughout the region.

Through an increase in competition, we believe that our economies – our businesses and entrepreneurs – will stand a better chance of competing in the expanding market. By raising the standard, by continuing down the path of economic reform, we can walk down the parallel path of democratic consolidation with greater ease.

Economic success will also multiply the number of citizens enjoying the practical benefits of constructing a community of states on a foundation of common democratic values.

That’s how we are working to build the new Balkans – fully integrated into the European Union.

I believe that our efforts – speaking now as Serbia’s Foreign Minister – our efforts have been powered up recently by the resumption of our path to full EU membership.

Accession is, in fact, more than a goal, it is Serbia’s central strategic priority.

Addressing this audience, I hardly need to go into details on the benefits of EU membership. Most of you already know how the accession process can transform entire societies without robbing them of their distinct identities.

And yet, all this talk of regional prosperity could come to naught if we are not careful. If we don’t work together to solve the one outstanding regional issue before us all – the future status of Kosovo – all our recent success, everything so many have worked so hard to accomplish, could become just another Potemkin village.

Only a compromise, mutually-acceptable solution to the future status of Kosovo can bring lasting peace and stability to the region. Such a solution must respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia, while at the same time enable our ethnic-Albanian citizens in Kosovo to satisfy their legitimate demand for substantial self‑governance.

Clearly, there remains a significant gap between the current positions of Belgrade and Pristina. But if real negotiations take place, then I sincerely believe that compromise can be reached.

What I want to make absolutely clear is that the Republic of Serbia will spare no effort in searching for an imaginative, compromise solution. Hear me when I say that the new Serbian Government is one that backs up its words with corresponding deeds.

A way must be worked out to firmly set a foundation of regional peace and stability – and in that way, to propel the region toward full European integration.

My final point is that the imposition of Kosovo’s independence against the will not only of Serbia, but also without a decision by the United Nations Security Council, would set a dangerous precedent.

A Pandora’s Box of ethnic and sectarian problems would be opened. This precedent would not just affect South‑Eastern Europe, for there is no realistic way to contain the sort of instability that would result. Other regions would be affected too – regions of much greater geopolitical significance to the great powers than the Western Balkans.

Throughout the world, existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.

Kosovo is a European problem. Together we must come to a European solution. We simply must get it right. It’s the only way to a sustainable, democratic future for Kosovo, for the rest of Serbia, for the Western Balkans – and for all of Europe. This solution cannot be independence.”